Il bischero con il cappellino sotto il cartello di destra "fatti processare buffone", sono io. Ciao mamma!
Monday, December 7, 2009
Antibiotics For Bronchial Pneumonia
No B-Day, Times Square, New York City.
Il bischero con il cappellino sotto il cartello di destra "fatti processare buffone", sono io. Ciao mamma!
Il bischero con il cappellino sotto il cartello di destra "fatti processare buffone", sono io. Ciao mamma!
Saturday, November 21, 2009
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
Gallbladder Message Boards
To each his own job ...
"Rediscovering Welfare and needs only way the Left in Europe can get back to winning"
Gravagnuolo Bruno, United
'October 6 2009
Berlusconism populism is privatized. Dividing the nation and tends to the dictatorship of the majority. Against it we do not want a radical left, which raises national unity and its polar star of all time: justice and equality. " Talk of Italy Giorgio Ruffolo, economist, environment minister from 1987 to 1992, a former member the secretary of the DS. And left for Italy in Europe. On which is very critical, because of its "subordination to the new capitalism." And this is the heart of his diagnosis of the troubles of social democracy, which "has thrown away the paper of the European Union, failed to pursue the third way to Blair." And the Democratic Party? Clear opinion about the values \u200b\u200bthat must be taken. And choosing not to take sides at the conference: "From" Cartesian "I stop the method and some clear and distinct ideas. Then we'll see who will make her. "
start. Ruffolo, opposing ideas on the defeat of the SPD. On the one hand, the accusation of moderate centrism sozial for the Democrats, on the other that of an identity exceeded. His argument is what?
"The theme of" German "of the SPD should be viewed in a broader key: the decline of the Left in Europe. Where in Latin America and the United States the trend is different. It is significant that the debacle of matches left in the old continent with a great slaughter in the U.S. right wing. What Obama is not ipso facto a success of the Left, given the latter's caratteritiche in America. And once again, however, instances of the left, from managing the economy to health. In Europe it is the opposite, for two reasons: the absence of unsoggetto, and that of a project. The first arises from the decline of the working class as a unifying factor Army left. The social structure has not been concentrated in two large blocks antagonistic blocs as predicted by Marx ...».
The employee is increased by the reserve army of lumber. So?
"But the working class is now a fraction of the non-dominant social, which can no longer be the pivot of the left. However under the new geography of work, there would be potential for alternative unoschieramento. Missing, however, the focus around which to define a strategy for action. I think the central mistake of the Left has been to not take the opportunity of Europe as a lever to raise. On what? The welfare state - to defend and innovate - Should be the workhorse of the left. The frontier advanced. Species at the time of global capitalism. "
The European left, as the guardian of financial balances, has been too accommodative and subordinate compared to laissez-faire?
"He abandoned his hallmarks. State social policy needs, infrastructure and culture. To embrace a liberal marketism second order. It was a real yield of principles, to withdraw into a fence social-nationalist, as Nino Andreatta said. "
360gradi A bow to the language of national private companies? That is politics as administration, citizen-user, profit and competitiveness as the dominant imperative?
"Exactly, a policy" neutral ", and how to draw. While the great idea of \u200b\u200bsocialism was that of welfare, and needs to reorganize the market, which was revived on a European scale. With respect to competitiveness, as seen from left, is a constraint, not an objective absolute. And then the same financial capitalism, multinational and concentrated, is leaving. Other than free competition among entrepreneurs. "
and finance - the rhetoric of "rules" aside - the left has done its job or not?
"He has shown to be dominated by the new capitalism and its principles, just as which came into crisi.Un great betrayal, rather than an error. Kingdom error itself had thrown away the European card, with which to relaunch the economy and address on a transnational scale. "
Coming to Italy, there was a lack of technocracy and an excess of rigor in the center-left governments, until you hit the middle class and employment?
"Technocracy is not a dirty word. Maybe in Italy there was a bit 'left! Would serve to forecast, and the technical management of this crisis of capitalism vertical. Against which the left has not had anything to say, a lack of analysis that was not there in the old Marxism. You instead passed a culture steeped in neutral and uncritical words: modernization, rules, flexibility, market. Socialism is not a matter of rules, madi aspirations. Alternative forms of production, and pressing social needs. Chenon are SUVs or mobile phones, maistruzione, health, environment, education, jobs. "
Putting these needs at the center as a 'request', it can stimulate the accumulation?
"You can boost demand in the meantime, imprimendoleuna diversa.Nonprevalentemente direction to individual consumption, but to the collective needs, which are the focus of a company. So, not "marketization socialism", but to reduce it its basic needs. With the welfare in the Lead. " The right in Europe
robs the lever to the left of the state and is the guarantor of needs. For example Tremonti pressure on the banks 'exorbitant' to push them to bet on the recovery. The controversy can reap success?
"In the big battles wins around the enemy on the wings, taking the opponent's court. Something similar is happening with Sarkozy or Tremonti, who ride with sign changed topics on the left, those who left was unable to revive and reinvent. Tremonti? There are many reasons on his side, and set out with skill in his books, perhaps contradicting practice. But do not criticize when you can say the right things. On Banks is right. Moreover, the current crisis from which comes only from a pathological superfetation of financial and banking system? "
Berlusconi. Its real strength is the owner of individualism, which moves a block and an imaginary social media. What kind of party we want the left and against?
"More than individualism, privatization would speak of populism, demagogy and selfishness in the sense of having. It is made of a set of grains that formanoun pile of sand. Until the dust disrupted and dangerous, lashed by the wind, which is Italy today. A country more divided between north and south, and penetrated by the Lega. So we need first a Left that opposes the drive nazionale.Conunvero federalism Berlusconi, seen as solidarity pact between the Italians'
Pd.Come should it be? Transverse and majority, oppuredi reformist left, able to form an alliance, rooted and socially recognizable identity?
'An account of coalition alliances are necessary, the other transversal. That are confusing and bankruptcy, as the Third Way of Blair. Instead, the PD must be recovered to the left: justice, equality, without a cap. At Norberto Bobbio. We can say that the left is the 'emancipation of the lower classes, "as the basis of justice? "Exactly as the base. And I am totally against abandoning the word left. Would mean giving up the essentials, and to condemn political impotence. " 
"Rediscovering Welfare and needs only way the Left in Europe can get back to winning"
Gravagnuolo Bruno, United
'October 6 2009
Berlusconism populism is privatized. Dividing the nation and tends to the dictatorship of the majority. Against it we do not want a radical left, which raises national unity and its polar star of all time: justice and equality. " Talk of Italy Giorgio Ruffolo, economist, environment minister from 1987 to 1992, a former member the secretary of the DS. And left for Italy in Europe. On which is very critical, because of its "subordination to the new capitalism." And this is the heart of his diagnosis of the troubles of social democracy, which "has thrown away the paper of the European Union, failed to pursue the third way to Blair." And the Democratic Party? Clear opinion about the values \u200b\u200bthat must be taken. And choosing not to take sides at the conference: "From" Cartesian "I stop the method and some clear and distinct ideas. Then we'll see who will make her. "
start. Ruffolo, opposing ideas on the defeat of the SPD. On the one hand, the accusation of moderate centrism sozial for the Democrats, on the other that of an identity exceeded. His argument is what?
"The theme of" German "of the SPD should be viewed in a broader key: the decline of the Left in Europe. Where in Latin America and the United States the trend is different. It is significant that the debacle of matches left in the old continent with a great slaughter in the U.S. right wing. What Obama is not ipso facto a success of the Left, given the latter's caratteritiche in America. And once again, however, instances of the left, from managing the economy to health. In Europe it is the opposite, for two reasons: the absence of unsoggetto, and that of a project. The first arises from the decline of the working class as a unifying factor Army left. The social structure has not been concentrated in two large blocks antagonistic blocs as predicted by Marx ...».
The employee is increased by the reserve army of lumber. So?
"But the working class is now a fraction of the non-dominant social, which can no longer be the pivot of the left. However under the new geography of work, there would be potential for alternative unoschieramento. Missing, however, the focus around which to define a strategy for action. I think the central mistake of the Left has been to not take the opportunity of Europe as a lever to raise. On what? The welfare state - to defend and innovate - Should be the workhorse of the left. The frontier advanced. Species at the time of global capitalism. "
The European left, as the guardian of financial balances, has been too accommodative and subordinate compared to laissez-faire?
"He abandoned his hallmarks. State social policy needs, infrastructure and culture. To embrace a liberal marketism second order. It was a real yield of principles, to withdraw into a fence social-nationalist, as Nino Andreatta said. "
360gradi A bow to the language of national private companies? That is politics as administration, citizen-user, profit and competitiveness as the dominant imperative?
"Exactly, a policy" neutral ", and how to draw. While the great idea of \u200b\u200bsocialism was that of welfare, and needs to reorganize the market, which was revived on a European scale. With respect to competitiveness, as seen from left, is a constraint, not an objective absolute. And then the same financial capitalism, multinational and concentrated, is leaving. Other than free competition among entrepreneurs. "
and finance - the rhetoric of "rules" aside - the left has done its job or not?
"He has shown to be dominated by the new capitalism and its principles, just as which came into crisi.Un great betrayal, rather than an error. Kingdom error itself had thrown away the European card, with which to relaunch the economy and address on a transnational scale. "
Coming to Italy, there was a lack of technocracy and an excess of rigor in the center-left governments, until you hit the middle class and employment?
"Technocracy is not a dirty word. Maybe in Italy there was a bit 'left! Would serve to forecast, and the technical management of this crisis of capitalism vertical. Against which the left has not had anything to say, a lack of analysis that was not there in the old Marxism. You instead passed a culture steeped in neutral and uncritical words: modernization, rules, flexibility, market. Socialism is not a matter of rules, madi aspirations. Alternative forms of production, and pressing social needs. Chenon are SUVs or mobile phones, maistruzione, health, environment, education, jobs. "
Putting these needs at the center as a 'request', it can stimulate the accumulation?
"You can boost demand in the meantime, imprimendoleuna diversa.Nonprevalentemente direction to individual consumption, but to the collective needs, which are the focus of a company. So, not "marketization socialism", but to reduce it its basic needs. With the welfare in the Lead. " The right in Europe
robs the lever to the left of the state and is the guarantor of needs. For example Tremonti pressure on the banks 'exorbitant' to push them to bet on the recovery. The controversy can reap success?
"In the big battles wins around the enemy on the wings, taking the opponent's court. Something similar is happening with Sarkozy or Tremonti, who ride with sign changed topics on the left, those who left was unable to revive and reinvent. Tremonti? There are many reasons on his side, and set out with skill in his books, perhaps contradicting practice. But do not criticize when you can say the right things. On Banks is right. Moreover, the current crisis from which comes only from a pathological superfetation of financial and banking system? "
Berlusconi. Its real strength is the owner of individualism, which moves a block and an imaginary social media. What kind of party we want the left and against?
"More than individualism, privatization would speak of populism, demagogy and selfishness in the sense of having. It is made of a set of grains that formanoun pile of sand. Until the dust disrupted and dangerous, lashed by the wind, which is Italy today. A country more divided between north and south, and penetrated by the Lega. So we need first a Left that opposes the drive nazionale.Conunvero federalism Berlusconi, seen as solidarity pact between the Italians'
Pd.Come should it be? Transverse and majority, oppuredi reformist left, able to form an alliance, rooted and socially recognizable identity?
'An account of coalition alliances are necessary, the other transversal. That are confusing and bankruptcy, as the Third Way of Blair. Instead, the PD must be recovered to the left: justice, equality, without a cap. At Norberto Bobbio. We can say that the left is the 'emancipation of the lower classes, "as the basis of justice? "Exactly as the base. And I am totally against abandoning the word left. Would mean giving up the essentials, and to condemn political impotence. "
Sunday, September 27, 2009
Speech Samples Of Anniversary
In praise of the German system
praise of the German system
Theodor Adorno in his Minima Moralia, wrote that "a German is someone who can not tell a lie without believing it." Not exactly a eulogy of "German" (Deutschtum) and its critical spirit. The fact is that the exit polls in Germany are among the most accurate in Europe, demonstrating the reliability of the voters of that country who generally do not lie in the face of polls (as opposed to what they do routinely Japanese colleagues).
With modest fear of contradiction, we can argue, therefore, that the final results that will come from this night should reflect the trends of exit polling.
If we stop to consider the winners and the losers of this election has shown the abysmal distance currently existing between Italy and Germany, not only in terms of political civilization, but also in terms of overall functionality of the political system.
The winner of this election is leading the safety of the FDP, Guido Westerwelle, the balance of the new German political life. Intellectual liberal, openly gay, Westerwelle was born the same year as Obama and comes from a party that fails to give political credibility to the liberal proposal. Not only because it boasts such illustrious predecessors politicians the likes of Friedrich Neumann, Walther Rathenau, Gustav Stresemann, just to name a few, but because it threatens their own, submitting to the voters his policy proposal. Of which Europe, Turkey and openness to integration of immigrants are leading issues.
In Italy, on the contrary, we are faced with a liberalism "widespread" doc-called liberals are in all parties, without having ever felt the need for an independent party candidate in the elections. Much of their hand has not found something better to do than support the prime minister more populist, anti-European and the last centocinquan'anni racist.
He also wins the "girl of the East" Angela Merkel, who remains one of very few women (if not the only one) to becoming prime minister in continental Europe. Vince basically for two reasons, that put it here too much away by his fellow center-right Italian: first, because it manages to be very centrist and argued for the social economy, the correlation between capital and labor, contrary to gifts to the banks. Second, because it is a power with a human face, a woman next door. That sobriety insistently invoked by the ecclesiastical hierarchy Italian, having plenty gattopardeggiato with the "friendly government". The distance from homegrown
things can not be reduced even if you turn your gaze to the left. Stands the impressive advanced Linke, a party that has managed to shake off the patina of socialism that still belonged to the companions of the PDS and was able to better represent the concerns for the fate imposed the heaviest weight loss of social status' continental Europe. The Link is able to do what in Italy at least fifteen years the so-called radical left-wing Italian says it will do, never do that: competing and empty "left" reformist cousins, pressing on their contradictions.
no coincidence that the cousins \u200b\u200bof the SPD lost in a disastrous, returning to the percentages Adenauer era, when they had not yet created that Wohlfartstaat who made their political fortunes since the second world war. A necessary reflection is necessary on this party: whether by dint of being a copy of the "center" (the SPD's own posters in the slogan "Die Neue Mitte", the new center), does not go to the voters prefer the original especially if it appears with the reassuring look of maternal and Merkel.
Finally, abysmal distance is between ours and the German electoral system. This system is now, it is of little appeal among minority and our constitutional and politicians, who have felt increasingly drawn to the grandeur of French or bipartisanship stars and stripes. Undoubtedly, the German constitutional history is not as glorious as it is a system that was essentially imposed on the table by winners of a people defeated in war. But failed - with very few changes since its creation - to ensure stability of government and political alternatives, in a framework of proportional representation and federal levels. The famous dam of 4% did not prevent either the rise of born by the movements of 68 Grünen and the PDS (later merged into Die Linke), as a voice of social discontent in the former East Germany. All this will
not enough? We Apparently not. Especially when compared with recent performances of the Italian political system, who originally took off in the direction of America, has landed the parts of Putin's Russia.
Vincenzo Mele 
praise of the German system
Theodor Adorno in his Minima Moralia, wrote that "a German is someone who can not tell a lie without believing it." Not exactly a eulogy of "German" (Deutschtum) and its critical spirit. The fact is that the exit polls in Germany are among the most accurate in Europe, demonstrating the reliability of the voters of that country who generally do not lie in the face of polls (as opposed to what they do routinely Japanese colleagues).
With modest fear of contradiction, we can argue, therefore, that the final results that will come from this night should reflect the trends of exit polling.
If we stop to consider the winners and the losers of this election has shown the abysmal distance currently existing between Italy and Germany, not only in terms of political civilization, but also in terms of overall functionality of the political system.
The winner of this election is leading the safety of the FDP, Guido Westerwelle, the balance of the new German political life. Intellectual liberal, openly gay, Westerwelle was born the same year as Obama and comes from a party that fails to give political credibility to the liberal proposal. Not only because it boasts such illustrious predecessors politicians the likes of Friedrich Neumann, Walther Rathenau, Gustav Stresemann, just to name a few, but because it threatens their own, submitting to the voters his policy proposal. Of which Europe, Turkey and openness to integration of immigrants are leading issues.
In Italy, on the contrary, we are faced with a liberalism "widespread" doc-called liberals are in all parties, without having ever felt the need for an independent party candidate in the elections. Much of their hand has not found something better to do than support the prime minister more populist, anti-European and the last centocinquan'anni racist.
He also wins the "girl of the East" Angela Merkel, who remains one of very few women (if not the only one) to becoming prime minister in continental Europe. Vince basically for two reasons, that put it here too much away by his fellow center-right Italian: first, because it manages to be very centrist and argued for the social economy, the correlation between capital and labor, contrary to gifts to the banks. Second, because it is a power with a human face, a woman next door. That sobriety insistently invoked by the ecclesiastical hierarchy Italian, having plenty gattopardeggiato with the "friendly government". The distance from homegrown
things can not be reduced even if you turn your gaze to the left. Stands the impressive advanced Linke, a party that has managed to shake off the patina of socialism that still belonged to the companions of the PDS and was able to better represent the concerns for the fate imposed the heaviest weight loss of social status' continental Europe. The Link is able to do what in Italy at least fifteen years the so-called radical left-wing Italian says it will do, never do that: competing and empty "left" reformist cousins, pressing on their contradictions.
no coincidence that the cousins \u200b\u200bof the SPD lost in a disastrous, returning to the percentages Adenauer era, when they had not yet created that Wohlfartstaat who made their political fortunes since the second world war. A necessary reflection is necessary on this party: whether by dint of being a copy of the "center" (the SPD's own posters in the slogan "Die Neue Mitte", the new center), does not go to the voters prefer the original especially if it appears with the reassuring look of maternal and Merkel.
Finally, abysmal distance is between ours and the German electoral system. This system is now, it is of little appeal among minority and our constitutional and politicians, who have felt increasingly drawn to the grandeur of French or bipartisanship stars and stripes. Undoubtedly, the German constitutional history is not as glorious as it is a system that was essentially imposed on the table by winners of a people defeated in war. But failed - with very few changes since its creation - to ensure stability of government and political alternatives, in a framework of proportional representation and federal levels. The famous dam of 4% did not prevent either the rise of born by the movements of 68 Grünen and the PDS (later merged into Die Linke), as a voice of social discontent in the former East Germany. All this will
not enough? We Apparently not. Especially when compared with recent performances of the Italian political system, who originally took off in the direction of America, has landed the parts of Putin's Russia.
Vincenzo Mele
Saturday, August 22, 2009
Body Opponent Bag Under 100
The stable
closing the barn after the escape of the horse? Honest 'intellectual one of the few modern statesmen that Italy has ever had? For posterity will judge. In any case, it seems a remarkable action and reflection.
"Reformists, the courage to speak out against the"
Romano Prodi
from The Messenger of 14/08/2009
.
The debate on the crisis of reform in Europe has taken bench for a few weeks after the European elections. Then it disappeared into thin air without producing any apparent result. Away from the election controversy and favorites from the quiet summer should return to this subject. What
reformist parties are in deep crisis, it is undeniable: the center-left has been defeated in most European countries during their economic crisis that has reviewed many of the proposals that were typical of these parties. To explain this paradox should take a few steps back and go back to the time when, after a long period in which world politics was dominated by the combination of Reagan-Thatcher, the situation was reversed with the victory of Blair who seemed able to change the destinies of Europe with New Labour, the third way that would renew and reform the European political scheme in partnership with the world news that Clinton suggested the United States.
With a bit of exaggeration, but also for enhancing the Italian role in this process had gone as far to talk about "olive world." The cause of the defeat of this great season is to be found in the fact that while in theory the new labor el'ulivo world were a source of novelty in the practice of the government of Tony Blair and the governments that it had merely inspired to imitate the previous Conservative policies in pursuit of the content and satisfied a new language. On the absolute domination of the market, the deterioration in income distribution, European policies, the big problem of peace and war, on citizens' rights and fiscal decisions often did not differ from previous ones. The message voters were most of the time, mostly to show that the mode of governance would have been better. Meanwhile, the change of the company continued along the lines above: a growing disparity in income distribution, an absolute and unchallenged domination of the market, a widespread contempt for the role of the state and the use of fiscal policies, an ever more limited interventions Public of a social nature.
Twenty years ago one of my simple observation that the difference in pay between one and forty of the director and the workers of the same company was excessive, had caused no end of scandals and discussions. Today no one is surprised that this difference is often between one and four hundred. During the most acute moment of this crisis we have witnessed a brief period of outrage into the remuneration paid to some executives, but then everything has been forgotten.
As if we lived in a society immutable, as if the existing reality and beliefs of the public were not so strong as to be reformed. The reform that has lost faith in himself and prefers chase of the other platforms and programs, thinking that, to reverse the electoral fortunes, is sufficient to criticize the errors and behaviors of leaders. To change the political balance this is not enough, because the speed with which the "extremists" of the market have taken over the language of the reformers is really worthy of a Nobel Prize.
To win the reformers must develop new ideas and new projects on all topics listed above. Strongly reaffirmed the role of the state as regulator of a market finally clean. Exploring ways and means by which citizens have the same outlook towards life. Renewing the operation of the school system, scientific research and healthcare. Thinking back to the general process of overcoming the new political and economic nationalism with a strong adherence to the aims of European cohesion and international solidarity. Not being afraid to report the many aspects with regard to which capitalism has profoundly reform. Not content to merely show one day and the day after fierce face a smiling face to immigrants, but preparing an organized policy of legality and acceptance.
I realize that this means having the courage to disappoint many and having the strength to break down and reassemble your elettorato.Mi realize that no politician deals with this light-hearted action of decomposition and recomposition, but I also realize that the economic crisis is changing perceptions and attitudes. It makes it more acceptable proposals innovative and courageous that the center-left must process to be deemed capable of governing our society. A difficult task, all uphill and, as a first step, even against the current. However, those who are not able to swim against the current will never be able to track down a river. 
closing the barn after the escape of the horse? Honest 'intellectual one of the few modern statesmen that Italy has ever had? For posterity will judge. In any case, it seems a remarkable action and reflection.
"Reformists, the courage to speak out against the"
Romano Prodi
from The Messenger of 14/08/2009
.
The debate on the crisis of reform in Europe has taken bench for a few weeks after the European elections. Then it disappeared into thin air without producing any apparent result. Away from the election controversy and favorites from the quiet summer should return to this subject. What
reformist parties are in deep crisis, it is undeniable: the center-left has been defeated in most European countries during their economic crisis that has reviewed many of the proposals that were typical of these parties. To explain this paradox should take a few steps back and go back to the time when, after a long period in which world politics was dominated by the combination of Reagan-Thatcher, the situation was reversed with the victory of Blair who seemed able to change the destinies of Europe with New Labour, the third way that would renew and reform the European political scheme in partnership with the world news that Clinton suggested the United States.
With a bit of exaggeration, but also for enhancing the Italian role in this process had gone as far to talk about "olive world." The cause of the defeat of this great season is to be found in the fact that while in theory the new labor el'ulivo world were a source of novelty in the practice of the government of Tony Blair and the governments that it had merely inspired to imitate the previous Conservative policies in pursuit of the content and satisfied a new language. On the absolute domination of the market, the deterioration in income distribution, European policies, the big problem of peace and war, on citizens' rights and fiscal decisions often did not differ from previous ones. The message voters were most of the time, mostly to show that the mode of governance would have been better. Meanwhile, the change of the company continued along the lines above: a growing disparity in income distribution, an absolute and unchallenged domination of the market, a widespread contempt for the role of the state and the use of fiscal policies, an ever more limited interventions Public of a social nature.
Twenty years ago one of my simple observation that the difference in pay between one and forty of the director and the workers of the same company was excessive, had caused no end of scandals and discussions. Today no one is surprised that this difference is often between one and four hundred. During the most acute moment of this crisis we have witnessed a brief period of outrage into the remuneration paid to some executives, but then everything has been forgotten.
As if we lived in a society immutable, as if the existing reality and beliefs of the public were not so strong as to be reformed. The reform that has lost faith in himself and prefers chase of the other platforms and programs, thinking that, to reverse the electoral fortunes, is sufficient to criticize the errors and behaviors of leaders. To change the political balance this is not enough, because the speed with which the "extremists" of the market have taken over the language of the reformers is really worthy of a Nobel Prize.
To win the reformers must develop new ideas and new projects on all topics listed above. Strongly reaffirmed the role of the state as regulator of a market finally clean. Exploring ways and means by which citizens have the same outlook towards life. Renewing the operation of the school system, scientific research and healthcare. Thinking back to the general process of overcoming the new political and economic nationalism with a strong adherence to the aims of European cohesion and international solidarity. Not being afraid to report the many aspects with regard to which capitalism has profoundly reform. Not content to merely show one day and the day after fierce face a smiling face to immigrants, but preparing an organized policy of legality and acceptance.
I realize that this means having the courage to disappoint many and having the strength to break down and reassemble your elettorato.Mi realize that no politician deals with this light-hearted action of decomposition and recomposition, but I also realize that the economic crisis is changing perceptions and attitudes. It makes it more acceptable proposals innovative and courageous that the center-left must process to be deemed capable of governing our society. A difficult task, all uphill and, as a first step, even against the current. However, those who are not able to swim against the current will never be able to track down a river.
Sunday, August 2, 2009
Problem Logging Into Akiba-online
Prodi Berlusconi left unable to understand
Vendola confirms an intelligent person who has something to say. His analysis and 'fully supported though I still do not understand where I want to end up with politically "Left and Freedom'." On this I think has the ideas' clear Ginsborg (below).
Vendola: Left unable to understand Berlusconi
Published on July 28, 2009 The Reform
"We handled by upstart, and it has captured the imagination. It 's over the age of the collective dreams and nightmares, now dominated by the private and he interprets it in a sexist and pathetic. While the left was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism. " Here's an interview published by Nichi Vendola, the reformer from Tuesday, August 28.
is a battle they have in common only in appearance: Nichi Vendola rejects any "brotherhood" with the opposition to the missions of the League Foreign military. And in this long interview with the Reformation, the governor of Puglia provides a broader interpretation of the social phenomenon of Bossi's party. It shares many passages of the interview with Toni Negri in this newspaper. Including those on the left and on the death of his guilty Berlusconi's hegemony understatement.
Governor agrees with the League's request to withdraw Italian troops from Afghanistan, Libya and the Balkans?
In a multipolar world, the League again carves out a space for the exercise of its identity. But it is the reversal of a regressive process of universalization of democracy that inspired the recent conflicts the "endless war". It is a return to the principle of non-interference which I do not feel bound in brotherhood. Certainly it made a detailed budget of the military adventures that had been established to exorcise the specter of Islamic fundamentalism should be reactivated and the aspiration for peace and disarmament. But I do not like locking in tribal logic underlying this type of opposition to military missions abroad.
In an interview published Sunday in this newspaper, Toni Negri makes an interesting parallel between the old, all-powerful Christian Democrats and the League in Veneto. It interprets the Northern League as a force "inter-class, deeply rooted on the ground" that cemented the consensus through demagoguery. But not in the interests of workers.
I really liked that interview. I think this: if the left does not illuminate the cracks of society, if it does not offer convincing interpretation of the collective identity of landslides, won the first offering a haven compared to these crises. The League has done, has been adapted as a girdle to Italy's lower belly, has proposed a remedy to the pulping of society and the death of the community. But it is a remedy that decreed the end of politics as the search for general solutions: it is the triumph of localism.
Why the Left failed to detect these changes and provide a compelling read? Negri says that the left is dead, that the right no longer adversaries.
The left seems to have exiled within his own melancholy. Who said those below, the social scale, is inherently a rebel? Toni Negri is absolutely right to remind us that what makes him rebel is conscience, not a cultural fact. The company has declined overall, once the political confrontations took place on or essays on Pasolini's provocations. Now we are the predominance of trash television, which substitute the chair at school. And we also have the nerve to blame the workers.
But you're not part of those who should contribute to form this collective critical consciousness?
Again I agree with Negri. When, 15 years ago, was born on Berlusconi phenomenon, we have reacted to the left as you do with an aesthetic phenomenon. We have treated as a weak point compared to the political etiquette, as a parvenu. And we have not realized it was a synthesis and a multiplier of the transformation processes of society. From today's perspective it is clear that one of Berlusconi is the autobiography of a nation. He reassembled the fragmentation of society around the passivity of the masses. He has transformed the political discourse in advertising. The problem now is not Berlusconi, but Berlusconi. What has penetrated deeply into the place where you build hegemony: the imagination. And now, Berlusconi may respond with impunity from a precarious that sets its drama that has to marry a rich man.
A superficial answer and offensive, aimed above all a woman, which concerns a collective tragedy.
Yes, but you see, it is also true that our age is over, the collective dreams and nightmares. Now prevails private dream and nightmare. And he has understood and interpreted in that way its a bit sexist and 'pathetic. The Berlusconi has now entered into the veins of Italian society. But in those veins also injected two dangerous poisons. The first is an adventurous vision of the economic crisis. Tremonti deal with the recession exorcism formulas are dangerous. That cover the essentials: a massive redistribution of resources in the North, to the detriment of those devoted to the South then, I see a crack between Berlusconi and the soul of the Catholic country. And there's no lift that can hide it. And it has a critical potential scary. Upside risk to see 50-year history. In that threatens to bring the obsessive display of Berlusconi's sexism, his fixity autistic, his show of manhood, always in need of stages.
But do not think that missing even a single reading from the left of the recession, widely considered the first serious crisis of the model neoliberal which has prevailed in the West from '79?
Of course, this was to be the center of the contention of the Democratic Party congress in October. Here's an example: the Pope in the encyclical Caritas in Veritate, even with a thousand precautions and steps with many methodologies, its interpretation of the crisis. And as he spoke of the precariousness of a crack that can undermine people's lives. The left, which was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism, has played its difference from the right on the lexical distinction. A mistake that is paying dearly. 
Vendola confirms an intelligent person who has something to say. His analysis and 'fully supported though I still do not understand where I want to end up with politically "Left and Freedom'." On this I think has the ideas' clear Ginsborg (below).
Vendola: Left unable to understand Berlusconi
Published on July 28, 2009 The Reform
"We handled by upstart, and it has captured the imagination. It 's over the age of the collective dreams and nightmares, now dominated by the private and he interprets it in a sexist and pathetic. While the left was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism. " Here's an interview published by Nichi Vendola, the reformer from Tuesday, August 28.
is a battle they have in common only in appearance: Nichi Vendola rejects any "brotherhood" with the opposition to the missions of the League Foreign military. And in this long interview with the Reformation, the governor of Puglia provides a broader interpretation of the social phenomenon of Bossi's party. It shares many passages of the interview with Toni Negri in this newspaper. Including those on the left and on the death of his guilty Berlusconi's hegemony understatement.
Governor agrees with the League's request to withdraw Italian troops from Afghanistan, Libya and the Balkans?
In a multipolar world, the League again carves out a space for the exercise of its identity. But it is the reversal of a regressive process of universalization of democracy that inspired the recent conflicts the "endless war". It is a return to the principle of non-interference which I do not feel bound in brotherhood. Certainly it made a detailed budget of the military adventures that had been established to exorcise the specter of Islamic fundamentalism should be reactivated and the aspiration for peace and disarmament. But I do not like locking in tribal logic underlying this type of opposition to military missions abroad.
In an interview published Sunday in this newspaper, Toni Negri makes an interesting parallel between the old, all-powerful Christian Democrats and the League in Veneto. It interprets the Northern League as a force "inter-class, deeply rooted on the ground" that cemented the consensus through demagoguery. But not in the interests of workers.
I really liked that interview. I think this: if the left does not illuminate the cracks of society, if it does not offer convincing interpretation of the collective identity of landslides, won the first offering a haven compared to these crises. The League has done, has been adapted as a girdle to Italy's lower belly, has proposed a remedy to the pulping of society and the death of the community. But it is a remedy that decreed the end of politics as the search for general solutions: it is the triumph of localism.
Why the Left failed to detect these changes and provide a compelling read? Negri says that the left is dead, that the right no longer adversaries.
The left seems to have exiled within his own melancholy. Who said those below, the social scale, is inherently a rebel? Toni Negri is absolutely right to remind us that what makes him rebel is conscience, not a cultural fact. The company has declined overall, once the political confrontations took place on or essays on Pasolini's provocations. Now we are the predominance of trash television, which substitute the chair at school. And we also have the nerve to blame the workers.
But you're not part of those who should contribute to form this collective critical consciousness?
Again I agree with Negri. When, 15 years ago, was born on Berlusconi phenomenon, we have reacted to the left as you do with an aesthetic phenomenon. We have treated as a weak point compared to the political etiquette, as a parvenu. And we have not realized it was a synthesis and a multiplier of the transformation processes of society. From today's perspective it is clear that one of Berlusconi is the autobiography of a nation. He reassembled the fragmentation of society around the passivity of the masses. He has transformed the political discourse in advertising. The problem now is not Berlusconi, but Berlusconi. What has penetrated deeply into the place where you build hegemony: the imagination. And now, Berlusconi may respond with impunity from a precarious that sets its drama that has to marry a rich man.
A superficial answer and offensive, aimed above all a woman, which concerns a collective tragedy.
Yes, but you see, it is also true that our age is over, the collective dreams and nightmares. Now prevails private dream and nightmare. And he has understood and interpreted in that way its a bit sexist and 'pathetic. The Berlusconi has now entered into the veins of Italian society. But in those veins also injected two dangerous poisons. The first is an adventurous vision of the economic crisis. Tremonti deal with the recession exorcism formulas are dangerous. That cover the essentials: a massive redistribution of resources in the North, to the detriment of those devoted to the South then, I see a crack between Berlusconi and the soul of the Catholic country. And there's no lift that can hide it. And it has a critical potential scary. Upside risk to see 50-year history. In that threatens to bring the obsessive display of Berlusconi's sexism, his fixity autistic, his show of manhood, always in need of stages.
But do not think that missing even a single reading from the left of the recession, widely considered the first serious crisis of the model neoliberal which has prevailed in the West from '79?
Of course, this was to be the center of the contention of the Democratic Party congress in October. Here's an example: the Pope in the encyclical Caritas in Veritate, even with a thousand precautions and steps with many methodologies, its interpretation of the crisis. And as he spoke of the precariousness of a crack that can undermine people's lives. The left, which was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism, has played its difference from the right on the lexical distinction. A mistake that is paying dearly.
How Long Does It Take For Lice To Show Up
To the left a double game
With a bit 'late, reports this article in a shiny shiny militant (I would say, though I know he would not like the term). I do not think the fact that recent events will have affected the current '. I seem to share fully the love of authority, especially with regard to the limits "humans" and the political left that he has tried to unite. For me, I could actually claim to have tried it even before him, despite the difference in registry with the "Convention of the alternative" in 1994 (if I'm not mistaken). But it is not 'a great satisfaction.
To the left, a double entry
Released: 27.06.2009
Author: Ginsborg, Paul
Two choices: to make a real party again, with the necessary patience, or join the Democratic Party. The poster, June 26, 2009
With many others I have tried three times to put together the left: the first time in 2003-4 with Gian Paolo Patta and "Work and Society" of the CGIL, the second in 2004 - 5 with Alberto Asor and the Chamber of Consultation of the left, whose story was summed up neatly by Asor same on these pages (June 19), the third time on the Left Rainbow of 2007-2008. On the latter occasion I will never forget the discrepancy between the promises of the leaders to open a true innovator and constituent phase and the bleak reality of their armor next all the choices - the nominations for the elections in the first place - in a desperate search for self-preservation.
Now I do not try anymore. It seems easier to convince children to eat spinach to persuade the Italian left to be together. Faced with a repetition of the conduct, which always favors the elements of distinction at the expense of unity, we must not turn a blind eye or keep trying. Rather we must try to explain why this has happened, and then draw conclusions.
Why the Italian left, instead of maintaining and renewing the deep cultural left the country, so far only managed to squander? A first explanation is in failure to analyze the relationship between parties and civil society. Norberto Bobbio wrote in 1983 that "in the democratic political game ... the main actors are given, and are the parties. " But the historical reality of the past 30 years is a gradual atrophy of the parties and constant invention of forms of political organization promoted by the citizens themselves - workshops, committees, social forums, and local environmental advocacy groups. The attitude of Left parties to these forms of self-organization has always been instrumental and suspicious: they are a danger, we can penetrate them, incorporate them, guide them, destroy them? Or even make them in instances metaphysical ('movement of movements') that mysteriously dictate the most convenient line to the particular party or group.
Behind these attitudes lies the usual form of policy, the act from above through a democratic centralism repainted. At the level of identity, the individual-militant remains strongly linked to his political formation that may also offer employment opportunities and career paths. The personal behavior toward those who are not part of the training (or current) are often aggressive, even incompetent. The enemy is near. The left has been unable to develop a code of conduct in the public press that mutual respect, cooperation, equality instead of competition, the male dominance, contempt.
This set of factors - instrumental attitude towards civil society, competition among small political groups bearers of individual careers, the absence of a culture of peace at home and practiced not only preached abroad - are some of the more telling explain the historical failure of the left.
And the consequences? I focus here only on the organization or on the form of participation. There are two possibilities, both for big break from a past bankruptcy. The first would really start anew. That is, to invite each and everyone to go to a constituent assembly based on the principle of one person one vote, and prepare assembly through a lengthy planning, writing decalogue of intent and planning of individual behavior in the public sphere. Please understand that a new political entity, radically different from the past, he needs time to grow and take root before taking off. During the process must respect the choices of others who prefer a different road, but constantly seek points of contact and sharing. Work among the working classes affected by the crisis but also among the middle classes are often forgotten by the Left, and supports the social and cultural theory with a constant attention to the development.
The second possible choice is diametrically opposite to the first and is based on the admission that the current Italian left is simply incapable of inventing something new. Better then to embrace the Democratic Party and try to make a contribution of left in a party that has many flaws, but souls and is the hub of any opposition to the Berlusconi regime. In this case you try to defend democracy and to renew both inside and outside the party, introducing themes and cultures that, while apparently too radical at the beginning, over time can become a common culture. In this case it is to act without illusions, knowing the need for compromise, recognizing the danger to come to town more easily changed by the party to change it. Many will cry out (as always) to "treason." Not necessarily see it that way.
Ideally, they are attracted to the first option, by birth, and because we are in a democratic emergency, by the second. I only ask one thing: not to dance the old minuet for the fourth time. 
With a bit 'late, reports this article in a shiny shiny militant (I would say, though I know he would not like the term). I do not think the fact that recent events will have affected the current '. I seem to share fully the love of authority, especially with regard to the limits "humans" and the political left that he has tried to unite. For me, I could actually claim to have tried it even before him, despite the difference in registry with the "Convention of the alternative" in 1994 (if I'm not mistaken). But it is not 'a great satisfaction.
To the left, a double entry
Released: 27.06.2009
Author: Ginsborg, Paul
Two choices: to make a real party again, with the necessary patience, or join the Democratic Party. The poster, June 26, 2009
With many others I have tried three times to put together the left: the first time in 2003-4 with Gian Paolo Patta and "Work and Society" of the CGIL, the second in 2004 - 5 with Alberto Asor and the Chamber of Consultation of the left, whose story was summed up neatly by Asor same on these pages (June 19), the third time on the Left Rainbow of 2007-2008. On the latter occasion I will never forget the discrepancy between the promises of the leaders to open a true innovator and constituent phase and the bleak reality of their armor next all the choices - the nominations for the elections in the first place - in a desperate search for self-preservation.
Now I do not try anymore. It seems easier to convince children to eat spinach to persuade the Italian left to be together. Faced with a repetition of the conduct, which always favors the elements of distinction at the expense of unity, we must not turn a blind eye or keep trying. Rather we must try to explain why this has happened, and then draw conclusions.
Why the Italian left, instead of maintaining and renewing the deep cultural left the country, so far only managed to squander? A first explanation is in failure to analyze the relationship between parties and civil society. Norberto Bobbio wrote in 1983 that "in the democratic political game ... the main actors are given, and are the parties. " But the historical reality of the past 30 years is a gradual atrophy of the parties and constant invention of forms of political organization promoted by the citizens themselves - workshops, committees, social forums, and local environmental advocacy groups. The attitude of Left parties to these forms of self-organization has always been instrumental and suspicious: they are a danger, we can penetrate them, incorporate them, guide them, destroy them? Or even make them in instances metaphysical ('movement of movements') that mysteriously dictate the most convenient line to the particular party or group.
Behind these attitudes lies the usual form of policy, the act from above through a democratic centralism repainted. At the level of identity, the individual-militant remains strongly linked to his political formation that may also offer employment opportunities and career paths. The personal behavior toward those who are not part of the training (or current) are often aggressive, even incompetent. The enemy is near. The left has been unable to develop a code of conduct in the public press that mutual respect, cooperation, equality instead of competition, the male dominance, contempt.
This set of factors - instrumental attitude towards civil society, competition among small political groups bearers of individual careers, the absence of a culture of peace at home and practiced not only preached abroad - are some of the more telling explain the historical failure of the left.
And the consequences? I focus here only on the organization or on the form of participation. There are two possibilities, both for big break from a past bankruptcy. The first would really start anew. That is, to invite each and everyone to go to a constituent assembly based on the principle of one person one vote, and prepare assembly through a lengthy planning, writing decalogue of intent and planning of individual behavior in the public sphere. Please understand that a new political entity, radically different from the past, he needs time to grow and take root before taking off. During the process must respect the choices of others who prefer a different road, but constantly seek points of contact and sharing. Work among the working classes affected by the crisis but also among the middle classes are often forgotten by the Left, and supports the social and cultural theory with a constant attention to the development.
The second possible choice is diametrically opposite to the first and is based on the admission that the current Italian left is simply incapable of inventing something new. Better then to embrace the Democratic Party and try to make a contribution of left in a party that has many flaws, but souls and is the hub of any opposition to the Berlusconi regime. In this case you try to defend democracy and to renew both inside and outside the party, introducing themes and cultures that, while apparently too radical at the beginning, over time can become a common culture. In this case it is to act without illusions, knowing the need for compromise, recognizing the danger to come to town more easily changed by the party to change it. Many will cry out (as always) to "treason." Not necessarily see it that way.
Ideally, they are attracted to the first option, by birth, and because we are in a democratic emergency, by the second. I only ask one thing: not to dance the old minuet for the fourth time.
Saturday, June 13, 2009
Airtel Vs Idea Datacard
The moral question - Enrico Berlinguer
The moral question
Enrico Berlinguer - Republic, 1981
Interview with Enrico Berlinguer
"The parties are now machines of power '
" The parties are no longer political, "says Enrico Berlinguer.
"The parties have degenerated and that is the source of the ills of Italy."
Eugenio Scalfari
*
Passion is over?
We share a passion has not ended. But for others? I do not want to give opinions and put their foot in the house of another, but the facts are there and are there for all to see. The parties of today are mainly machinery and power score: poor or mystified knowledge of life and the problems of society and people, ideas, ideals, programs, or just vague feelings and civic passion, zero. Operating interest, the most diverse, the most contradictory, sometimes sinister, however, no relation to the emerging needs and human needs, or distort them, without seeking the common good. Their organizational structure is now aligned on this model, and organizers are no longer of the people who promote the formation and maturation civil initiative federations are quite current, cliques, each with a "boss" and "sub-boss." The geopolitical map of the parties is made up of names and places. For DC: Bisaglia in Veneto, Gava in Campania, Puglia Lattanzio, Andreotti in Lazio, Avellino De Mita, Gaspari in Abruzzo, Marche Forlani and so on. But for the Socialists, more or less the same and even worse for the Social Democrats ...
She said earlier that the degeneration of parties is the essential point of the Italian crisis.
That's what I think.
Why?
parties have occupied the state and all its institutions, from government. They occupied the local authorities, security agencies, banks, public enterprises, cultural institutions, hospitals, universities, Rai TV, some major newspapers. For example, today there is a danger that the major Italian newspaper, Corriere della Sera, fall into the hands of this or that party or its current, but we prevent a large-Courier newspaper as a face so ugly end. Everything has already been divided up and score or you would like to carve up and share. And the result is dramatic. All of the "operations" that the various institutions and their current leaders are called upon to perform are seen mainly in the interests of the Current or party or clan to which the charge. A bank loan is granted if it is useful for this purpose if it confers benefits and customer relations, administrative authorization is given, a contract is awarded, is assigned a chair, laboratory equipment is financed, if the beneficiaries do act loyalty to the party that provides these benefits, even when it is only due recognition.
you make a picture of reality from make Italian creepy.
in your opinion is not the case?
I must admit, Mr. Secretary, much of which is a realistic picture. But I would ask you to bear this state if the Italians of things is a sign that they accept it or you do not realize it. Otherwise you would have won the leadership of the country for some time.
The question is complex. I will answer neatly. First: many Italians, I think, is well aware of the illicit trade that is made by the State of oppression, favoritism, discrimination. But most of them under blackmail. Received benefits (perhaps due, but obtained only through the channels of political parties and their currents) or hope to receive, or fear of not receiving more. He wants a confirmation of what I say? Compare the wish that the Italians have given during the referendum and the normal and local elections. The vote in the referendum does not favor, does not involve relations of patronage, not at stake and no candidates and mobilizes private interests or a group or part. It is a completely free vote by these kinds of conditions. Well, both in '74 for divorce, and, even more, 81 for abortion, the Italians have given the image of being a free and modern, have given a vote of progress. To the north and south, in cities as in rural, middle-class neighborhoods like those in workers and proletarians. And local elections in the picture changes, even after a few weeks. We are
my other question, if it helps, Mr. Secretary, you should have won by a piece, if things are as she describes.
In a sense, by contrast, may seem extraordinary that even a party like ours, which goes so much against the current bad habit, retains many consents and even enhances them. But I think I know what you think, because we declare a party to be "different" from others, do you think that Italians have this fear of diversity.
That's right, I think this your overt diversity. Sometimes they speak as if you were the Martians or of the missionaries in the land of unbelievers and people warning. He wants to explain clearly to what is your diversity? It is to be afraid?
Someone, yes, has reason to fear them, and you understand immediately who I mean. For a clear answer to your question, I will list for very simple point in our being that is different, so I hope there will be no misunderstanding margin. So: first, we want the parties cease to occupy the state. The parties must, as we stated in our Constitution, in the formation of the political will of the nation, and what they can do it does not take larger chunks of state, more and more centers of power in every field, but interpreting the great currents of opinion, organizing the aspirations of the people, democratically controlling the operation of institutions. Here's the first reason for our diversity. Do you think Italians should inspire such fear?
We come to the second diversity.
We believe that the privilege should be fought and destroyed wherever they nest, the poor and the marginalized, the disadvantaged, should be defended, and should be given a voice and real chance of counting in the decisions and change their own conditions, that certain social needs and humans today should be ignored met in priority to others, that the professionalism and merit should be rewarded, that the participation of every citizen and every citizen in public affairs must be ensured.
Mr Berlinguer, say all these things.
Yeah, but none of the parties, the government does. We Communists have sixty of history and to strive for and we showed them seriously. In jail with the workers there was us, the mountains with the partisans there was us, in the settlements with the unemployed there was us, with the women, the marginalized working class, with young people there was us, the direction of some municipalities in some regions, which are administered honestly, there was us.
not only you.
is true, but we especially. And we pass to the third point of difference. We think that the kind of capitalist economic and social development is causing serious distortions of the immense costs and social inequality, the enormous waste of wealth. We do not want to follow the models of socialism that have been made to date, reject a rigid, centralized economic planning, we think the market can maintain an essential function, that individual initiative is irreplaceable, that private enterprise has its own space and retains its important role. But we believe that all these realities in the capitalist forms-and especially, today, under the hood of leaded system based on the DC no longer work, and therefore can and must discuss how to overcome capitalism understood as mechanism, as the system since it now is creating a growing mass of unemployed, marginalized, exploited. He's here, at bottom, not only because of the economic crisis, but the phenomena of barbarism, the spread of drug abuse, rejection of work, lack of confidence, boredom and despair. It is a crime to have these ideas?
not find significant differences compared to what might think a strong European social democrat. But she seems an insult to be compared to a Social Democrat.
Well, there is a substantial difference. Social democracy (I mean that seriously, of course) has always been very concerned about the workers, unionized workers organized and little or nothing about the marginalized, the underclass, women. In fact, now that you have exhausted the ancient margins of a capitalist development that allowed a social democratic policy, now that the problems that I mentioned earlier erupted throughout the capitalist West, there are also signs of crisis in the German Social Democracy and British Labour, because the social democratic parties are facing a reality for them previously unknown or ignored by them.
So, you are a serious socialist party ...
... in the sense that we are serious about building socialism ...
mind, the concern that the PSI launches signals to middle-class strata of society?
No, I'm not worried. Middle class, bourgeoisie productive layers are important in the country and their political and economic interests when they are legitimate, must be adequately defended and represented. Even we do. If these groups move some of their votes to the secular parties and to the PSI, abandoning the traditional protection Democrat, you need only be satisfied, but on one condition. The condition is that, with these new ratings, the PSI and the secular parties to be able to demonstrate a policy and implement a program that really can provide real and deep change compared to the past than at present. But if it were simply a transfer of patronage to consolidate, under new labels, old and current relationship between political parties and State, Party and government, political parties and society, with the deleterious ways of governing and administering the consequent, then I see what we can be satisfied with us and the country.
According to her, this change of methods and policy there or not?
Frankly, no. Perhaps you saw him? The people notice? Go around Sicily, for example, will see that in most there was a transfer of the client. I do not want to say that always and everywhere so. But I say that the Socialists and Social Democrats have so far given no sign of wanting to start the reform of the relationship between parties and institutions, which then is nothing but a correct restoration of the constitutional provisions, without which it can begin any renovation, and without which the moral issue remains totally unresolved.
You said several times that the moral issue today is at the heart of the Italian question. Why?
The moral issue is not limited by the fact that, there being thieves, corrupt, extortioner in the upper echelons of politics and administration, we must find them, you must report them and put them in jail. The moral question, in Italy today, is one with the employment status by the parties and their current government, is one with the gang war, is one with the concept of politics and the methods of government of them, ranging semmplicemente abandoned and outdated. That's why I say that the moral issue is the center of the Italian problem. That's because the other parties may be profire forces of renewal only if serious attack in the middle of the moral issue going to his political causes. [...] What is really interesting is the fate of the country. If you continue in this way, democracy in Italy is likely to shrink, not expand and develop, is likely to choke in a swamp.
Mr. Secretary, in the western world it is agreed that the main enemy right now is to beat inflation, and indeed the economic policies of all industrialized countries to "achieve that goal. She is also the same opinion?
answer the Mitterand in the same way: the main ailments of Western society is unemployment. The two evils should not be seen separately. Inflation-if we- the other side of the coin. We must work hard against one and against another. Woe to dissociate this battle, trouble thinking, for example, that even to tame inflation will have to pay the price of a recession and massive unemployment, as is already happening to a large extent. We all find ourselves in the midst of a social catastrophe of unimaginable proportions.
The PCI, in early 1977, launched the line of 'austerity'. I do not think that his appeal has been welcomed by the working class, workers, activists from the same party ...
We hold that the individual consumer exasperated not only produces dissipation of wealth and production distortions, but also dissatisfaction loss, and that unhappiness, however, the economic situation of countries industializzati-The increasing gap in each country between developed areas and backward areas, and in front of the revival and advancement of the peoples of ex-colonial countries and independence-is no longer possible to ensure an economic and social development while preserving the "consumer society" with all faults, even moral, that are intrinsic to it. The spread of drugs, for example, among young people is one of the most serious signs of this and no one really gives load. But we said austerity. We were the only ones to emphasize the need to combat waste, increase savings, reduce consumption private obsolete, slow the perverse dynamic of public spending, make new resources and new sources of employment. We said that the workers should contribute their share to this effort of righting the economy, but that all the sacrifices had to be done by applying a principle of strict fairness and that he should have the objective to trigger to a different type of development and different ways of life (more thrifty, but also more human). This was our way of posing the problem of austerity and simultaneously fighting inflation and recession, that unemployment. Specified and developed these positions to our XV Congress of March 1979 we were not heard.
And the cost of labor? The theme seems to be forgotten?
Labor costs must also be addressed and, overall, content, working primarily on the face of rising productivity. But I tell you quite frankly that when we ask for sacrifices to the country and begins to ask-as usual-workers, while the back has a question as the P2, it is very difficult to get play and be credible. When you ask people who work at the sacrifices it takes a broad consensus, a great political credibility and the ability to hit exorbitant and intolerable privileges. If these elements are not, the operation may fail.
La Repubblica, July 28, 1981 
The moral question
Enrico Berlinguer - Republic, 1981
Interview with Enrico Berlinguer
"The parties are now machines of power '
" The parties are no longer political, "says Enrico Berlinguer.
"The parties have degenerated and that is the source of the ills of Italy."
Eugenio Scalfari
*
Passion is over?
We share a passion has not ended. But for others? I do not want to give opinions and put their foot in the house of another, but the facts are there and are there for all to see. The parties of today are mainly machinery and power score: poor or mystified knowledge of life and the problems of society and people, ideas, ideals, programs, or just vague feelings and civic passion, zero. Operating interest, the most diverse, the most contradictory, sometimes sinister, however, no relation to the emerging needs and human needs, or distort them, without seeking the common good. Their organizational structure is now aligned on this model, and organizers are no longer of the people who promote the formation and maturation civil initiative federations are quite current, cliques, each with a "boss" and "sub-boss." The geopolitical map of the parties is made up of names and places. For DC: Bisaglia in Veneto, Gava in Campania, Puglia Lattanzio, Andreotti in Lazio, Avellino De Mita, Gaspari in Abruzzo, Marche Forlani and so on. But for the Socialists, more or less the same and even worse for the Social Democrats ...
She said earlier that the degeneration of parties is the essential point of the Italian crisis.
That's what I think.
Why?
parties have occupied the state and all its institutions, from government. They occupied the local authorities, security agencies, banks, public enterprises, cultural institutions, hospitals, universities, Rai TV, some major newspapers. For example, today there is a danger that the major Italian newspaper, Corriere della Sera, fall into the hands of this or that party or its current, but we prevent a large-Courier newspaper as a face so ugly end. Everything has already been divided up and score or you would like to carve up and share. And the result is dramatic. All of the "operations" that the various institutions and their current leaders are called upon to perform are seen mainly in the interests of the Current or party or clan to which the charge. A bank loan is granted if it is useful for this purpose if it confers benefits and customer relations, administrative authorization is given, a contract is awarded, is assigned a chair, laboratory equipment is financed, if the beneficiaries do act loyalty to the party that provides these benefits, even when it is only due recognition.
you make a picture of reality from make Italian creepy.
in your opinion is not the case?
I must admit, Mr. Secretary, much of which is a realistic picture. But I would ask you to bear this state if the Italians of things is a sign that they accept it or you do not realize it. Otherwise you would have won the leadership of the country for some time.
The question is complex. I will answer neatly. First: many Italians, I think, is well aware of the illicit trade that is made by the State of oppression, favoritism, discrimination. But most of them under blackmail. Received benefits (perhaps due, but obtained only through the channels of political parties and their currents) or hope to receive, or fear of not receiving more. He wants a confirmation of what I say? Compare the wish that the Italians have given during the referendum and the normal and local elections. The vote in the referendum does not favor, does not involve relations of patronage, not at stake and no candidates and mobilizes private interests or a group or part. It is a completely free vote by these kinds of conditions. Well, both in '74 for divorce, and, even more, 81 for abortion, the Italians have given the image of being a free and modern, have given a vote of progress. To the north and south, in cities as in rural, middle-class neighborhoods like those in workers and proletarians. And local elections in the picture changes, even after a few weeks. We are
my other question, if it helps, Mr. Secretary, you should have won by a piece, if things are as she describes.
In a sense, by contrast, may seem extraordinary that even a party like ours, which goes so much against the current bad habit, retains many consents and even enhances them. But I think I know what you think, because we declare a party to be "different" from others, do you think that Italians have this fear of diversity.
That's right, I think this your overt diversity. Sometimes they speak as if you were the Martians or of the missionaries in the land of unbelievers and people warning. He wants to explain clearly to what is your diversity? It is to be afraid?
Someone, yes, has reason to fear them, and you understand immediately who I mean. For a clear answer to your question, I will list for very simple point in our being that is different, so I hope there will be no misunderstanding margin. So: first, we want the parties cease to occupy the state. The parties must, as we stated in our Constitution, in the formation of the political will of the nation, and what they can do it does not take larger chunks of state, more and more centers of power in every field, but interpreting the great currents of opinion, organizing the aspirations of the people, democratically controlling the operation of institutions. Here's the first reason for our diversity. Do you think Italians should inspire such fear?
We come to the second diversity.
We believe that the privilege should be fought and destroyed wherever they nest, the poor and the marginalized, the disadvantaged, should be defended, and should be given a voice and real chance of counting in the decisions and change their own conditions, that certain social needs and humans today should be ignored met in priority to others, that the professionalism and merit should be rewarded, that the participation of every citizen and every citizen in public affairs must be ensured.
Mr Berlinguer, say all these things.
Yeah, but none of the parties, the government does. We Communists have sixty of history and to strive for and we showed them seriously. In jail with the workers there was us, the mountains with the partisans there was us, in the settlements with the unemployed there was us, with the women, the marginalized working class, with young people there was us, the direction of some municipalities in some regions, which are administered honestly, there was us.
not only you.
is true, but we especially. And we pass to the third point of difference. We think that the kind of capitalist economic and social development is causing serious distortions of the immense costs and social inequality, the enormous waste of wealth. We do not want to follow the models of socialism that have been made to date, reject a rigid, centralized economic planning, we think the market can maintain an essential function, that individual initiative is irreplaceable, that private enterprise has its own space and retains its important role. But we believe that all these realities in the capitalist forms-and especially, today, under the hood of leaded system based on the DC no longer work, and therefore can and must discuss how to overcome capitalism understood as mechanism, as the system since it now is creating a growing mass of unemployed, marginalized, exploited. He's here, at bottom, not only because of the economic crisis, but the phenomena of barbarism, the spread of drug abuse, rejection of work, lack of confidence, boredom and despair. It is a crime to have these ideas?
not find significant differences compared to what might think a strong European social democrat. But she seems an insult to be compared to a Social Democrat.
Well, there is a substantial difference. Social democracy (I mean that seriously, of course) has always been very concerned about the workers, unionized workers organized and little or nothing about the marginalized, the underclass, women. In fact, now that you have exhausted the ancient margins of a capitalist development that allowed a social democratic policy, now that the problems that I mentioned earlier erupted throughout the capitalist West, there are also signs of crisis in the German Social Democracy and British Labour, because the social democratic parties are facing a reality for them previously unknown or ignored by them.
So, you are a serious socialist party ...
... in the sense that we are serious about building socialism ...
mind, the concern that the PSI launches signals to middle-class strata of society?
No, I'm not worried. Middle class, bourgeoisie productive layers are important in the country and their political and economic interests when they are legitimate, must be adequately defended and represented. Even we do. If these groups move some of their votes to the secular parties and to the PSI, abandoning the traditional protection Democrat, you need only be satisfied, but on one condition. The condition is that, with these new ratings, the PSI and the secular parties to be able to demonstrate a policy and implement a program that really can provide real and deep change compared to the past than at present. But if it were simply a transfer of patronage to consolidate, under new labels, old and current relationship between political parties and State, Party and government, political parties and society, with the deleterious ways of governing and administering the consequent, then I see what we can be satisfied with us and the country.
According to her, this change of methods and policy there or not?
Frankly, no. Perhaps you saw him? The people notice? Go around Sicily, for example, will see that in most there was a transfer of the client. I do not want to say that always and everywhere so. But I say that the Socialists and Social Democrats have so far given no sign of wanting to start the reform of the relationship between parties and institutions, which then is nothing but a correct restoration of the constitutional provisions, without which it can begin any renovation, and without which the moral issue remains totally unresolved.
You said several times that the moral issue today is at the heart of the Italian question. Why?
The moral issue is not limited by the fact that, there being thieves, corrupt, extortioner in the upper echelons of politics and administration, we must find them, you must report them and put them in jail. The moral question, in Italy today, is one with the employment status by the parties and their current government, is one with the gang war, is one with the concept of politics and the methods of government of them, ranging semmplicemente abandoned and outdated. That's why I say that the moral issue is the center of the Italian problem. That's because the other parties may be profire forces of renewal only if serious attack in the middle of the moral issue going to his political causes. [...] What is really interesting is the fate of the country. If you continue in this way, democracy in Italy is likely to shrink, not expand and develop, is likely to choke in a swamp.
Mr. Secretary, in the western world it is agreed that the main enemy right now is to beat inflation, and indeed the economic policies of all industrialized countries to "achieve that goal. She is also the same opinion?
answer the Mitterand in the same way: the main ailments of Western society is unemployment. The two evils should not be seen separately. Inflation-if we- the other side of the coin. We must work hard against one and against another. Woe to dissociate this battle, trouble thinking, for example, that even to tame inflation will have to pay the price of a recession and massive unemployment, as is already happening to a large extent. We all find ourselves in the midst of a social catastrophe of unimaginable proportions.
The PCI, in early 1977, launched the line of 'austerity'. I do not think that his appeal has been welcomed by the working class, workers, activists from the same party ...
We hold that the individual consumer exasperated not only produces dissipation of wealth and production distortions, but also dissatisfaction loss, and that unhappiness, however, the economic situation of countries industializzati-The increasing gap in each country between developed areas and backward areas, and in front of the revival and advancement of the peoples of ex-colonial countries and independence-is no longer possible to ensure an economic and social development while preserving the "consumer society" with all faults, even moral, that are intrinsic to it. The spread of drugs, for example, among young people is one of the most serious signs of this and no one really gives load. But we said austerity. We were the only ones to emphasize the need to combat waste, increase savings, reduce consumption private obsolete, slow the perverse dynamic of public spending, make new resources and new sources of employment. We said that the workers should contribute their share to this effort of righting the economy, but that all the sacrifices had to be done by applying a principle of strict fairness and that he should have the objective to trigger to a different type of development and different ways of life (more thrifty, but also more human). This was our way of posing the problem of austerity and simultaneously fighting inflation and recession, that unemployment. Specified and developed these positions to our XV Congress of March 1979 we were not heard.
And the cost of labor? The theme seems to be forgotten?
Labor costs must also be addressed and, overall, content, working primarily on the face of rising productivity. But I tell you quite frankly that when we ask for sacrifices to the country and begins to ask-as usual-workers, while the back has a question as the P2, it is very difficult to get play and be credible. When you ask people who work at the sacrifices it takes a broad consensus, a great political credibility and the ability to hit exorbitant and intolerable privileges. If these elements are not, the operation may fail.
La Repubblica, July 28, 1981
Sunday, May 3, 2009
Pharmaceutical Calculation By Stoklosa
America in 100 days
29/04/2009
EDITORIAL capitalism and capitalism. Labor, Social Democracy and the New Deal were light years away from Nazism and fascism, which also had the backing of big capital. Just as capitalism and imperialism of the Bush administration we have fallen into a legal barbarism and savagery in a society, have a scorched earth civil rights, waste paper and the constitutional guarantees of habeas corpus, have reduced politics to war and the war on the secret police. Compared to that
capitalism, the United States of Obama are restoring some (not all) forms of legality, the blunt fury of faiths and partly reconciled with common sense and also with science. In many ways, Obama does not say that obviousness ("torture is unjust, "" allies should be consulted) and acts due (close secret prisons like Guantanamo, include carbon dioxide among the pollutants). The fact that they seem so revolutionary measures the barbarism, the regression in which we had fallen without realizing it.
Thus, at least for the moment, ended up in the attic the old monetarist orthodoxy, Friedmanites, whose only dogma is that the only absolute rationality resides in the free market, the only efficiency in private and that all that is public should be dismantled. Obama took the reins in the most difficult of the last 60 years. Must at the same time boost the economy and economic change. Restart revolutionize the production and consumption. The crisis is its historic opportunity and its Achilles heel.
If they are not all blacks, but all cats are cats. Obama is still the president of the greatest capitalist power and the only world empire. As such, everything he has undertaken so far is based sull'incrollabile confidence that a capitalism with a human face is capable of dominating the world, but is the only way to master it. His experience is therefore yet another test to see if capitalism retains the ability to self-reform, namely its "creative destruction" (as Schumpeter calls it). Bets are open. The contradictory signals. The only trace of naivety a politician who has proven to be a crane driver consumed, and the handful of unscrupulous steel under a sweet smile, is the spokesman for his faith in Wall Street which has been surrounded.
not fool yourself, do not Let's take it for what you do not want to be. The stated purpose of Obama is to make sure that the twenty-first, as was the twentieth century is an American. Will return to its original glory, the U.S. imperial power weakened and tarnished by the arrogance of George Bush and Dick Cheney: multilateralism when it may be, and will unilaterally when, to borrow an expression of Clinton. Because of its subtlety, and the success with which he has pursued all other objectives, it is likely Obama will succeed in this field. But the empire has hidden costs. The escalation in Afghanistan is the biggest cost, the quagmire in which the whole of his administration could get bogged down. Over the past 2,500 years, Afghanistan has imposed a disproportionate toll and a memorable lesson to all the empires that have set foot. Extricate itself from Iraq is not embroiled in the Hindu Kush was a big deal. Ultimately that Obama is a race against time, the last breath. His every action, every order, every handshake wise limits of the politically possible, narrow the gap between head shyness and boldness. But in the end he is not going to win or lose the bet. That fact remains that to decipher whether the change is impressive that we are witnessing is a pure effect of recession and disenchantment with the war in Iraq and instead expresses a change more profound and long-term, of American society and its public. After just 100 days do not know, but what we see is a country that - when placed with their backs to the wall - is able to change and contradict himself. And, with all its vain, bombastic corruption, a policy capable of expressing this desire and change direction. To think that there was a time when our left, and ourselves, displayed a condescending disdain for the alleged rudimentary American politics. He sold the story.
29/04/2009
EDITORIAL capitalism and capitalism. Labor, Social Democracy and the New Deal were light years away from Nazism and fascism, which also had the backing of big capital. Just as capitalism and imperialism of the Bush administration we have fallen into a legal barbarism and savagery in a society, have a scorched earth civil rights, waste paper and the constitutional guarantees of habeas corpus, have reduced politics to war and the war on the secret police. Compared to that
capitalism, the United States of Obama are restoring some (not all) forms of legality, the blunt fury of faiths and partly reconciled with common sense and also with science. In many ways, Obama does not say that obviousness ("torture is unjust, "" allies should be consulted) and acts due (close secret prisons like Guantanamo, include carbon dioxide among the pollutants). The fact that they seem so revolutionary measures the barbarism, the regression in which we had fallen without realizing it.
Thus, at least for the moment, ended up in the attic the old monetarist orthodoxy, Friedmanites, whose only dogma is that the only absolute rationality resides in the free market, the only efficiency in private and that all that is public should be dismantled. Obama took the reins in the most difficult of the last 60 years. Must at the same time boost the economy and economic change. Restart revolutionize the production and consumption. The crisis is its historic opportunity and its Achilles heel.
If they are not all blacks, but all cats are cats. Obama is still the president of the greatest capitalist power and the only world empire. As such, everything he has undertaken so far is based sull'incrollabile confidence that a capitalism with a human face is capable of dominating the world, but is the only way to master it. His experience is therefore yet another test to see if capitalism retains the ability to self-reform, namely its "creative destruction" (as Schumpeter calls it). Bets are open. The contradictory signals. The only trace of naivety a politician who has proven to be a crane driver consumed, and the handful of unscrupulous steel under a sweet smile, is the spokesman for his faith in Wall Street which has been surrounded.
not fool yourself, do not Let's take it for what you do not want to be. The stated purpose of Obama is to make sure that the twenty-first, as was the twentieth century is an American. Will return to its original glory, the U.S. imperial power weakened and tarnished by the arrogance of George Bush and Dick Cheney: multilateralism when it may be, and will unilaterally when, to borrow an expression of Clinton. Because of its subtlety, and the success with which he has pursued all other objectives, it is likely Obama will succeed in this field. But the empire has hidden costs. The escalation in Afghanistan is the biggest cost, the quagmire in which the whole of his administration could get bogged down. Over the past 2,500 years, Afghanistan has imposed a disproportionate toll and a memorable lesson to all the empires that have set foot. Extricate itself from Iraq is not embroiled in the Hindu Kush was a big deal. Ultimately that Obama is a race against time, the last breath. His every action, every order, every handshake wise limits of the politically possible, narrow the gap between head shyness and boldness. But in the end he is not going to win or lose the bet. That fact remains that to decipher whether the change is impressive that we are witnessing is a pure effect of recession and disenchantment with the war in Iraq and instead expresses a change more profound and long-term, of American society and its public. After just 100 days do not know, but what we see is a country that - when placed with their backs to the wall - is able to change and contradict himself. And, with all its vain, bombastic corruption, a policy capable of expressing this desire and change direction. To think that there was a time when our left, and ourselves, displayed a condescending disdain for the alleged rudimentary American politics. He sold the story.
Sunday, April 26, 2009
Vba Pokemon Emerald Cheats Shiny
ok! you are what you eat ... but you know what you eat? The vortex
Let's say I have been to pause for reflection for the last 9 months .. and now I get back.
And I'm talking about pigs. I know, so far I have spoken about political ... but sometimes it takes a quantum leap!
guess you heard news from several swine flu that has killed 81 people in Mexico and is coming in the United States. We
new influences that reach us from animals .. we remember still mad cows and chickens ... chickens, cows, pigs ... .. crazy animals.
Or perhaps we who are insane.
get crazy every time we go to the grocery store and buy without knowing where it comes from what we eat. Our grandmothers knew where it came from .. our grandmothers knew the butcher, the fisherman, the fruttaiolo or vegetables. And they knew where it came from what they gave to their children ... the fish was from our seas, vegetables and fruits from our land .. the meat came from cows that graze in our fields. and so on ...
And we now know where it comes from what we eat??
when we buy those foods, or when we eat at McDonald Spizzico ... we know what we're really eating?
Let's start with this: You have no idea what the conditions in which animals are kept that we eat?
not? ... And then let's talk!
The dairy ... dairy cows spend nine months a year (every year) in pregnancy, and calves are then separated from their mothers shortly after the birth and put into tiny cages and malnourished otterene for white veal and tender (I am anemic, that are kept anemic) that we like so much! The cows are milked for several months and are thus forced to produce about 10 times the amount of milk for the calf would produce naturally. A third of the cows suffer from mastitis: inflammation of the udder ... we drink cow's milk that has inflamed breasts (?).
In nature, the life expectancy of a cow is about 20 years ... in the dairy, the cow was killed at about 5-6 years ...
the chickens it is certainly not better fate: the wings atrophied because they live in cages of ridiculous size, and their beak is cut why do not hurt themselves each other, causing the animal pain for a lifetime. The male chicks are killed directly ... put in a mincer (yes, still alive), suffocated in plastic bags, or ground to become too MANGIME.I chickens are kept in tiny cages and were killed 45 days (in kind would live up to 7 years).
the pigs cut the tail, because when you are in those cages so small, crazy and eat the tail of the pig that is before ... and then there would be fought with infections etc etc. .. better to cut the tail. Healthy pigs, sick, old, young and dead (is dead) live together more or less passionately to accumulate in the same cages.
Now, I do not want to lose in a speech ethical, because many people could tell me that those are only animals, and they personalemnte have no problem with the way they are treated. What I want to focus instead is QUALITY 'of what arrives on our tables, ie, after a chicken, a cow or a pig has been treated so that its effects have meat on our health?
you remember why cows and chickens are crazy? Why we fed them
mancimi animal and genetically modified organisms. We fed the meat of herbivores and birds with bodies that simply do not exist in nature ... ... thinking that this had no effect on the animal, and, worse still, that its meat had no effect on our bodies.
Now, it seems more than obvious that to know HOW they are grown and fed the animals which we eat, it is essential to know where they come from.
Italy imports meat from Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Canada, China (then, of course, a little 'we produce in our beautiful country!).
What do we know the way that livestock is reared on the other side of the world? No indeed .. what do we know of livestock on our land?
You know what? The chickens were kept in cages or not? The calf was anemic and kept in a cage where he could not even get up and then he was sickly and weak bones? Those hens were fed with feed that contained their own chicks ground? then the milk comes from healthy or inflamed breasts ... boooo. And we live
safe eating and stuffing myself thinking that this has no effect on our body. According to some effect
me .. do you have it ...?
PS.E in case you were wondering what this post has to do with all my previous posts ... Who do you think is responsible for ensuring the quality of our meat source? Or to finance research on the effects of all the tricks we do animal genetics and what they eat? 
Let's say I have been to pause for reflection for the last 9 months .. and now I get back.
And I'm talking about pigs. I know, so far I have spoken about political ... but sometimes it takes a quantum leap!
guess you heard news from several swine flu that has killed 81 people in Mexico and is coming in the United States. We
new influences that reach us from animals .. we remember still mad cows and chickens ... chickens, cows, pigs ... .. crazy animals.
Or perhaps we who are insane.
get crazy every time we go to the grocery store and buy without knowing where it comes from what we eat. Our grandmothers knew where it came from .. our grandmothers knew the butcher, the fisherman, the fruttaiolo or vegetables. And they knew where it came from what they gave to their children ... the fish was from our seas, vegetables and fruits from our land .. the meat came from cows that graze in our fields. and so on ...
And we now know where it comes from what we eat??
when we buy those foods, or when we eat at McDonald Spizzico ... we know what we're really eating?
Let's start with this: You have no idea what the conditions in which animals are kept that we eat?
not? ... And then let's talk!
The dairy ... dairy cows spend nine months a year (every year) in pregnancy, and calves are then separated from their mothers shortly after the birth and put into tiny cages and malnourished otterene for white veal and tender (I am anemic, that are kept anemic) that we like so much! The cows are milked for several months and are thus forced to produce about 10 times the amount of milk for the calf would produce naturally. A third of the cows suffer from mastitis: inflammation of the udder ... we drink cow's milk that has inflamed breasts (?).
In nature, the life expectancy of a cow is about 20 years ... in the dairy, the cow was killed at about 5-6 years ...
the chickens it is certainly not better fate: the wings atrophied because they live in cages of ridiculous size, and their beak is cut why do not hurt themselves each other, causing the animal pain for a lifetime. The male chicks are killed directly ... put in a mincer (yes, still alive), suffocated in plastic bags, or ground to become too MANGIME.I chickens are kept in tiny cages and were killed 45 days (in kind would live up to 7 years).
the pigs cut the tail, because when you are in those cages so small, crazy and eat the tail of the pig that is before ... and then there would be fought with infections etc etc. .. better to cut the tail. Healthy pigs, sick, old, young and dead (is dead) live together more or less passionately to accumulate in the same cages.
Now, I do not want to lose in a speech ethical, because many people could tell me that those are only animals, and they personalemnte have no problem with the way they are treated. What I want to focus instead is QUALITY 'of what arrives on our tables, ie, after a chicken, a cow or a pig has been treated so that its effects have meat on our health?
you remember why cows and chickens are crazy? Why we fed them
mancimi animal and genetically modified organisms. We fed the meat of herbivores and birds with bodies that simply do not exist in nature ... ... thinking that this had no effect on the animal, and, worse still, that its meat had no effect on our bodies.
Now, it seems more than obvious that to know HOW they are grown and fed the animals which we eat, it is essential to know where they come from.
Italy imports meat from Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Canada, China (then, of course, a little 'we produce in our beautiful country!).
What do we know the way that livestock is reared on the other side of the world? No indeed .. what do we know of livestock on our land?
You know what? The chickens were kept in cages or not? The calf was anemic and kept in a cage where he could not even get up and then he was sickly and weak bones? Those hens were fed with feed that contained their own chicks ground? then the milk comes from healthy or inflamed breasts ... boooo. And we live
safe eating and stuffing myself thinking that this has no effect on our body. According to some effect
me .. do you have it ...?
PS.E in case you were wondering what this post has to do with all my previous posts ... Who do you think is responsible for ensuring the quality of our meat source? Or to finance research on the effects of all the tricks we do animal genetics and what they eat?
Friday, April 10, 2009
Check My Blackberry Email Blackberry.orange.co.uk
The liberal left rubble
Mark Ferrante
The first is the displacement, the continuous process of metamorphosis before the end of the story and then his sudden recovery required the Italian left. Says Nicola Rossi, a senator of the Democratic Party: "I believe that the reference to the idea of \u200b\u200bmore rules to be congenial to the belly of the Italian center, but it seems to me that you arrive too late, after Giulio Tremonti. On the other hand, the defense market has never really been absorbed on the left. So, I would say that since 90 percent of the Italian left is made up of reformists to power, which had reluctantly practicing things that were different, different, from their formation, now its leaders and its intellectuals are in the paradoxical situation of eating hands because they wanted to write them, Fear and Hope, Tremonti's book. "
There is a second reason, perhaps 'quota', as Rossi, but it has its own weight especially for the reformists. Let's see.
The second reason is this: culture and political practice from which the major financial crises have been developed just to the left, in the form of new lib-lab born in the 90 years between the America of Bill Clinton and the United Britain's Tony Blair, under the banner of the Third Way by Anthony Giddens, substantial parts of which were part of international economic leadership, from Robert Rubin to John Corzine, former CEO of Goldman Sachs, now governor of New Jersey.
Innovation of terzaviisti was to steal the luggage of economic conservatism to the right, starting from fiscal policy. As explained by an independent observer of the facts Italians, Alberto Giovannini, a former professor of economics and finance at Columbia University, "then - perhaps due to a kind of distraction - which happened as the mainstream political thought that the financial economy was still able to circumvent the limitations imposed by regulators, the regulators might as well not snoop on market. " The effect was therefore that the United States and Great Britain developed an idea implicitly built on economic policy boost Financial. Want a home? Finanziatevela 100 percent. Want a car for $ 50,000? Idem. This approach is also a formulation in the conservatism of George W. Bush with his ownership society, the ownership society.
The combination of political and economic interests allowed good growth rates, but sparked a financial bubble.
The controversy stems from the analysis of marketism tremontiana on that stage. Giulio Tremonti, the Mercat is the zealous application of a mechanism-called liberal on which engages a post-Communist method. In this key, the third way was just an expression for the Mercat.
In Italy, after the first phase of the 90 (privatization, Treu, liberalization of energy and the first phase of trade liberalization), the development of terzaviismo has followed another path: the first cross-sectional area of \u200b\u200bthe constitution reform, one of the willing, next to the determination of so-called symbolic agenda that Giavazzi identified in the action of a cultural columnist for Corriere della Sera tip of the instruments of democratic liberalism, and finally the liberal left, the title of a pamphlet of the same luck with Alberto Alesina Francesco Giavazzi, which argued that the effects of liberal policies have left. Affect every single citizen, as a consumer. They push the economic growth effects of which are beneficial to all. The financial crisis gives strength to challenge this approach. Some believe that the pursuit of growth at any cost is wrong. And what is wrong even militant defense of finance as a tool for economic democracy.
As Paul Krugman wrote two weeks ago in The New York Times: "It's an entire failed bank model, the elements that a financial system has done more harm than good." The current critical krugman spread here and there and check more frequently. He has just released a pamphlet of the mill quickly signed by the economist Ronald Dore, with an argument that Krugman, in fact, did argue with the thesis Alesina and Giavazzi on keeping the value of an asset - for example a house in Genoa - guaranteed by the financial coverage for risk diversification, "Enjoy your home and be able to enjoy the serenity you think your home is not influenced by the fact that your housing wealth is exposed to the fortunes of the economy of Genoa. "
The other criticism of the liberal left mainly concerns the symbols used in the battle of ideas. Should not be to liberalize the taxi (a right that liberalization, however, concerns a limited number of beneficiaries), but if anything, airlines, electricity and so on, that is, areas of broader impact on the lives of families. As the sociologist Bruno Manghi said in a recent interview, the left was occupied by taxi, forgetting what was happening in finance. Nicola Rossi says, "I objected that I am not convinced: financial problems had been fully realized for example as an economist Luigi Spaventa, and in our documents of the past years there are references to the risks of financial activities. As for the symbols do not agree. In the first season of the government, that in the 90's, the Italian left has dealt with monopolies and open markets, it was the season of the Authority. In a second step, since it was discovered that it was difficult to overcome the resistance of entire economic sectors which tended to conservation, has chosen the emblematic street, taxis, pharmacies, ie the sheets but the symbols should not be underestimated. "
For some, the defense of financial democracy should not be embarrassed by the fact that the third way has been knocked out by the outbreak of financial crisis. A week ago Giavazzi wrote that America is working on leverage, while Europe, the most backward, focuses on the question of setting the rules. From this point of view, Giulio Napolitano on Reform of the other day, he noticed that the differences in this between Europe and America are less clear than it appears. Giovannini says, "The defense of democracy financial arises from the concern that the liberal culture in Italy is so fragile that it takes little to overthrow it. " Rossi explains, "There is certainly the contingent liability of the third way, but we should continue to discuss and ask for more freedom because we live in a country dominated by hyper-regulation and a culture in the country that regularly deals of what they should not deal with. "
And this is the main reason why the liberals (the left, but not only in truth) are not readily available to the question posed by the Minister of Economy on the need first to bring the economy into a system of rules; and then decide later if we like best the market or the state. So has the same Tremonti explained in a response to an editorial in Corriere della Sera Angelo Panebianco. Gregorio Gitti, professor of private law at the University of Milan, said: "We should aim to restore the balance between law and economics. Even just thinking that in age-old deposit of civil law, there is legal support of trade. "
But for now this balance has no place in the debate. To give an idea of \u200b\u200bhow the dialectic of these issues has been wrapped, it is curious discussion on ordoliberals, a group of German liberals who gave contribution to the formulation of a social market economy, which will stand the German economic system throughout the second half of the twentieth century. The antitremontiani do not like the reference to ordoliberals. Yet in an intervention at the Gramsci Institute in 1998 on the renewal of liberal thought, Valerio Zanone, liberal historian of the left, a founder of the Italian lib-lab at the turn of the late seventies and the beginning of 80, he noted that in 'ordoliberals there is a link between the market and open society. Sure, you can discuss, we can say that Eucken is a positivist, while Hayek believes in the rule such as transposition of the order which springs from the market, but the substance - For what it should cover the crisis in front of which we are - does not change: there is no market without law, and since we have (very) market need, at this time we definitely need to read. In short, we would not need to take it with both ordoliberals, unless the objective is not in the offensive hegemonic Tremonti, who is suspected of using Eucken to recover in terms of power for increased action on the economy, in the form political primacy of the rules of the market. But that's another story, to adjust the balance of power in the field today.
In general, the crisis is producing a discussion of identity in the center. "It opportunity, but the comparison is not the party, many try to keep a vision of defense for preserving a legacy of declining consent, "said Gittings. Rossi added: "The problem is that the left is not only to offer the country without an identity, but is unable to generate, his only concern is to remove." But the strangest thing is that the topic under discussion - the law must prevail or the economy? - Does not become an issue of battle even by liberal who is not and never has been - anti-capitalists, communists, anti-globalization - and that the prevalence of the Law on the market can claim to build a successful ex post, a cultural victory, the recognition of a moral supremacy.
Yesterday was presented a document signed by three economists at the center, Emiliano Brancaccio, Leon Paul and Stefano Fassina, and in their policy area were culturally in the minority at the time of the third way. It 's a commissioned contribution from the metal workers and civil servants of the CGIL - ie the axis between Gianni and Carlo Podda Rinaldini - which opens up the debate in the congress next year. The paper proposes an evening of solutions of economic policy. Fassina says, the national leadership of the Democratic Party and responsible public finance and international economics of the party: "This paper addresses the theme of social and environmental rules at which the market will face, because at this point the law must prevail over the economy. Sure, it's odd that just when the collapse of market fundamentalism, the European left finds itself at an historic low. The problem is that some of us took refuge in the icons, the watchwords of deficit spending, public ownership and Fordist labor, while another part of us is subordinate to a culture that was not ours' .
Mark Ferrante
"Since 90 percent of the Italian left is made up of reformists to power, now its leaders and its intellectuals are in the paradoxical situation of biting their hands because they wanted to write the book of Tremonti." 
Tony Blair's victory in 1997 opened the beginning of a short season in which the left found the mercatro. Season that now seems intellectually concluded.
The discussion on the relationship between law and economics, and market rules, which led to the establishment of an advisory committee to the Ministry of Economy, which discusses the legal standard, has not yet generated a real debate on the left. For at least two reasons. Tony Blair's victory in 1997 opened the beginning of a short season in which the left found the mercatro. Season that now seems intellectually concluded. The first is the displacement, the continuous process of metamorphosis before the end of the story and then his sudden recovery required the Italian left. Says Nicola Rossi, a senator of the Democratic Party: "I believe that the reference to the idea of \u200b\u200bmore rules to be congenial to the belly of the Italian center, but it seems to me that you arrive too late, after Giulio Tremonti. On the other hand, the defense market has never really been absorbed on the left. So, I would say that since 90 percent of the Italian left is made up of reformists to power, which had reluctantly practicing things that were different, different, from their formation, now its leaders and its intellectuals are in the paradoxical situation of eating hands because they wanted to write them, Fear and Hope, Tremonti's book. "
There is a second reason, perhaps 'quota', as Rossi, but it has its own weight especially for the reformists. Let's see.
The second reason is this: culture and political practice from which the major financial crises have been developed just to the left, in the form of new lib-lab born in the 90 years between the America of Bill Clinton and the United Britain's Tony Blair, under the banner of the Third Way by Anthony Giddens, substantial parts of which were part of international economic leadership, from Robert Rubin to John Corzine, former CEO of Goldman Sachs, now governor of New Jersey.
Innovation of terzaviisti was to steal the luggage of economic conservatism to the right, starting from fiscal policy. As explained by an independent observer of the facts Italians, Alberto Giovannini, a former professor of economics and finance at Columbia University, "then - perhaps due to a kind of distraction - which happened as the mainstream political thought that the financial economy was still able to circumvent the limitations imposed by regulators, the regulators might as well not snoop on market. " The effect was therefore that the United States and Great Britain developed an idea implicitly built on economic policy boost Financial. Want a home? Finanziatevela 100 percent. Want a car for $ 50,000? Idem. This approach is also a formulation in the conservatism of George W. Bush with his ownership society, the ownership society.
The combination of political and economic interests allowed good growth rates, but sparked a financial bubble.
The controversy stems from the analysis of marketism tremontiana on that stage. Giulio Tremonti, the Mercat is the zealous application of a mechanism-called liberal on which engages a post-Communist method. In this key, the third way was just an expression for the Mercat.
In Italy, after the first phase of the 90 (privatization, Treu, liberalization of energy and the first phase of trade liberalization), the development of terzaviismo has followed another path: the first cross-sectional area of \u200b\u200bthe constitution reform, one of the willing, next to the determination of so-called symbolic agenda that Giavazzi identified in the action of a cultural columnist for Corriere della Sera tip of the instruments of democratic liberalism, and finally the liberal left, the title of a pamphlet of the same luck with Alberto Alesina Francesco Giavazzi, which argued that the effects of liberal policies have left. Affect every single citizen, as a consumer. They push the economic growth effects of which are beneficial to all. The financial crisis gives strength to challenge this approach. Some believe that the pursuit of growth at any cost is wrong. And what is wrong even militant defense of finance as a tool for economic democracy.
As Paul Krugman wrote two weeks ago in The New York Times: "It's an entire failed bank model, the elements that a financial system has done more harm than good." The current critical krugman spread here and there and check more frequently. He has just released a pamphlet of the mill quickly signed by the economist Ronald Dore, with an argument that Krugman, in fact, did argue with the thesis Alesina and Giavazzi on keeping the value of an asset - for example a house in Genoa - guaranteed by the financial coverage for risk diversification, "Enjoy your home and be able to enjoy the serenity you think your home is not influenced by the fact that your housing wealth is exposed to the fortunes of the economy of Genoa. "
The other criticism of the liberal left mainly concerns the symbols used in the battle of ideas. Should not be to liberalize the taxi (a right that liberalization, however, concerns a limited number of beneficiaries), but if anything, airlines, electricity and so on, that is, areas of broader impact on the lives of families. As the sociologist Bruno Manghi said in a recent interview, the left was occupied by taxi, forgetting what was happening in finance. Nicola Rossi says, "I objected that I am not convinced: financial problems had been fully realized for example as an economist Luigi Spaventa, and in our documents of the past years there are references to the risks of financial activities. As for the symbols do not agree. In the first season of the government, that in the 90's, the Italian left has dealt with monopolies and open markets, it was the season of the Authority. In a second step, since it was discovered that it was difficult to overcome the resistance of entire economic sectors which tended to conservation, has chosen the emblematic street, taxis, pharmacies, ie the sheets but the symbols should not be underestimated. "
For some, the defense of financial democracy should not be embarrassed by the fact that the third way has been knocked out by the outbreak of financial crisis. A week ago Giavazzi wrote that America is working on leverage, while Europe, the most backward, focuses on the question of setting the rules. From this point of view, Giulio Napolitano on Reform of the other day, he noticed that the differences in this between Europe and America are less clear than it appears. Giovannini says, "The defense of democracy financial arises from the concern that the liberal culture in Italy is so fragile that it takes little to overthrow it. " Rossi explains, "There is certainly the contingent liability of the third way, but we should continue to discuss and ask for more freedom because we live in a country dominated by hyper-regulation and a culture in the country that regularly deals of what they should not deal with. "
And this is the main reason why the liberals (the left, but not only in truth) are not readily available to the question posed by the Minister of Economy on the need first to bring the economy into a system of rules; and then decide later if we like best the market or the state. So has the same Tremonti explained in a response to an editorial in Corriere della Sera Angelo Panebianco. Gregorio Gitti, professor of private law at the University of Milan, said: "We should aim to restore the balance between law and economics. Even just thinking that in age-old deposit of civil law, there is legal support of trade. "
But for now this balance has no place in the debate. To give an idea of \u200b\u200bhow the dialectic of these issues has been wrapped, it is curious discussion on ordoliberals, a group of German liberals who gave contribution to the formulation of a social market economy, which will stand the German economic system throughout the second half of the twentieth century. The antitremontiani do not like the reference to ordoliberals. Yet in an intervention at the Gramsci Institute in 1998 on the renewal of liberal thought, Valerio Zanone, liberal historian of the left, a founder of the Italian lib-lab at the turn of the late seventies and the beginning of 80, he noted that in 'ordoliberals there is a link between the market and open society. Sure, you can discuss, we can say that Eucken is a positivist, while Hayek believes in the rule such as transposition of the order which springs from the market, but the substance - For what it should cover the crisis in front of which we are - does not change: there is no market without law, and since we have (very) market need, at this time we definitely need to read. In short, we would not need to take it with both ordoliberals, unless the objective is not in the offensive hegemonic Tremonti, who is suspected of using Eucken to recover in terms of power for increased action on the economy, in the form political primacy of the rules of the market. But that's another story, to adjust the balance of power in the field today.
In general, the crisis is producing a discussion of identity in the center. "It opportunity, but the comparison is not the party, many try to keep a vision of defense for preserving a legacy of declining consent, "said Gittings. Rossi added: "The problem is that the left is not only to offer the country without an identity, but is unable to generate, his only concern is to remove." But the strangest thing is that the topic under discussion - the law must prevail or the economy? - Does not become an issue of battle even by liberal who is not and never has been - anti-capitalists, communists, anti-globalization - and that the prevalence of the Law on the market can claim to build a successful ex post, a cultural victory, the recognition of a moral supremacy.
Yesterday was presented a document signed by three economists at the center, Emiliano Brancaccio, Leon Paul and Stefano Fassina, and in their policy area were culturally in the minority at the time of the third way. It 's a commissioned contribution from the metal workers and civil servants of the CGIL - ie the axis between Gianni and Carlo Podda Rinaldini - which opens up the debate in the congress next year. The paper proposes an evening of solutions of economic policy. Fassina says, the national leadership of the Democratic Party and responsible public finance and international economics of the party: "This paper addresses the theme of social and environmental rules at which the market will face, because at this point the law must prevail over the economy. Sure, it's odd that just when the collapse of market fundamentalism, the European left finds itself at an historic low. The problem is that some of us took refuge in the icons, the watchwords of deficit spending, public ownership and Fordist labor, while another part of us is subordinate to a culture that was not ours' .
Thursday, March 12, 2009
Labtec Cordless Mouse Won,t Work
Legendary "Joe" Petrosino, the most beloved American cop
pursue my own path in the Italian-American culture (which would better define "southern-Italian-American"), which continues to be one of the "discovered" the most fascinating of my adventure in the United States.
son of Italian immigrants in New York, had won the esteem of Roosevelt. He was killed by the Mafia a century ago
Gemma Contin (from "Liberation", March 12, 2009)
is celebrated today in Palermo, at the initiative of City right by the Mayor Diego Cammarata, with flamboyant statements councilor Culture Giampiero Cannella, the centenary of the first killing policeman died at the hands of the mafia, then not yet called Cosa Nostra - will be named officially, eighty years later, only after the revelations of Thomas Buscetta Giovanni Falcone - but it was my veins and pulses tremble under the name The Black Hand.
that it was the symbol with which the mafia "signed" extortion, threats and their crimes. And with that mark entirely territories, districts, parts of the city, indicating that that road, or even just a dirty alley, or a clearing full of mud and waste, were "under control" or "under protection".
is celebrated, but there is nothing to celebrate for the death of Joe Petrosino. Rather, by bringing to light "for future reference and as a warning is still current.
And that's why judges, lawyers, professors, students, and many honest Palermo, will meet up there on the site of the attack, the gate of the Piazza Marina, where the man was killed like a dog, walking thoughtfully, just like a dog on a warm evening of that Friday, March 12, 1909, at a quarter to nine, while the long dusk falls twilight of a bitter spring, when the breath comes from the nearby Cala sea full of salt, the rosemary, the smell of fish and all the Mediterranean herbs, to caress the air and the thick roots of ficus trees verdiblù times of the villa .
As always occur even later, for all the crimes of the Mafia to be - other police officers and judges, politicians and journalists, and outstanding crimes, hundreds of them - that evening, on that stretch of streets and alleys of Old Navy, just before the bright lights of the Foro Italico, in the bend of the sea that seems to be one of the houses, which were then moored fishing boats and outboard motor boats, and now the pleasure of a sudden everything went Black silence, after the hail of gunfire - three in succession to the body, one, the coup de grace, at the top - so sudden how long, and strategically orchestrated.
And suddenly it was as if the city had turned off in the darkness. In a thick darkness and silence as impenetrable as those found in front of the police authorities not only Italian but also the American investigators, sent on purpose by the Government of the United States. What else
you can not kill it the moment's most famous cop, an Italian-American started from remote Padula, another forgotten deep South in the province of Salerno, and child arrived in New York at the end of the nineteenth century, with all his family of migrant deaths of hunger, passed by the gauntlet and disinfestatoi public washrooms and Ellis Island. A kind of Lampedusa period.
Joe Petrosino was called. He was the youngest son of a tailor named Prospero who exhausted by poverty and hunger had taken over his creatures, his wife and a battered suitcase, empty of real and full of hope, and after a trip on a third-class " steam "departed from Naples, had landed in the military hospital of immigrants awaiting entry visa. And finally
had been initiated in one of those dilapidated buildings, the five-cent houses: houses for five cents, made available by the municipality in Mulberry Street to accommodate the unfortunate.
Little Joseph, who only big policeman dead and become the legendary Joe Petrosino, go to the shoe and the newsboy, but is committed, wants to study, go to school in the U.S., takes home every night for some hard cash help improve the conditions of the family fails, once adult, to obtain U.S. citizenship and get a job in the garbage, then a city police department.
But the environment of immigrants and neighborhoods Italian-Americans are crossed and exposed to harassment of the crime of which can not fail to notice Petrosino, and live in the middle, talking the same language, by understanding the slang, the jokes, gestures, winks.
see, understand, perhaps relates. It is a fact that was drafted in the 23rd district and is thus, immediately, on the other side of the fence.
the side of those who must deal with the gang, with the phenomenon of gangsterism, from the penny, which extortionists in the district, that of the most vicious organized gangs, who shoot and kill the streets, on the premises, they blow up cars and shops, stalls and bars. The logic is that those who do not pay with money paid with blood.
not very different from a century later, beyond and on this side of the Atlantic. And then there
quell'andirivieni of new immigrants "with the hat", new "families" in which cases does not reach the poverty of the countries of origin, but trafficking of all kinds, "picciotti" who control the streets of the smuggling The alcohol market (we are in full Prohibition) and opium, who organize prostitution and gambling, that lord it in Little Italy, in Brooklyn, and then in the hierarchical sequence, in the scale of wealth, until in Long Island, Queens, New Jersey, Pennsilvanya, Connecticut, where the Gathering "business" or the wars and alliances between the Sicilian families whose names are the same as always: Madonia, Cascio Ferro, and then Gambino, Bonanno, Genovese, Lucchese, to the famous Lucky Luciano and Frank Coppola's "three fingers". They will come after
also Inzerillo, the Badalamenti, the goodness, the Cali, but we are fifty years later, and we are now.
beginning of the twentieth century, what would become the legend of Joe Petrosino was only an agent with an extraordinary sleuthing and experienced staff in direct contact with the Italian-American underworld. An "experience" that enabled him to understand the dynamics, relationships, links between organized gangs who held New York in check and the families of origin who worked in Sicily.
E ' For this reason, "venerated in his homeland", admired by President Theodore Roosevelt for the brilliant operations against gangsterism that produced 500 arrests and deportations in 2500, awarded the Medal of Valor and the title of lieutenant of the police investigation of the city of New York, Atlantic on a cold morning of 9 February 1909, embarked "incognito" for a survey on overseas strange connections between the Mafia and politics (look a bit '!), stocky little man, just one meter and sixty but with powerful shoulders and muscles of steel, driven by a dull resentment against Italian criminals who infested his "American Dream", dressed in dark suit, white shirt, stiff-brimmed hat, after a trip marred statements by the careless ones of his head that had exposed the "secret mission" had landed at Palermo and had started in hunting. But
hunting stops almost immediately, because inexplicably, after having told Mr. Bishop, the American consul in Palermo, of its intention to extend the investigation not only the mafia but also notable candidates in the forthcoming elections and political elements of collusion and entrepreneurship in the face of the inspection scheduled at the Court of Palermo, is the empty files and folders' criminal suspects deliberately deleted, abraded, if not entirely disappeared.
had gone better in Caltanissetta where Petrosino was able to find valuable information and documents intact affected by the mafia, getting feedback and confirmed the suspicions of strange corridors of power in the protection against known mobsters.
for this round alone and pensive, on the evening of March 12, up from the Cala to Piazza Marina, where his accommodation at the Hotel de France, where he had an appointment with an informant. But there is no more arrived.
pursue my own path in the Italian-American culture (which would better define "southern-Italian-American"), which continues to be one of the "discovered" the most fascinating of my adventure in the United States. son of Italian immigrants in New York, had won the esteem of Roosevelt. He was killed by the Mafia a century ago
Gemma Contin (from "Liberation", March 12, 2009)
is celebrated today in Palermo, at the initiative of City right by the Mayor Diego Cammarata, with flamboyant statements councilor Culture Giampiero Cannella, the centenary of the first killing policeman died at the hands of the mafia, then not yet called Cosa Nostra - will be named officially, eighty years later, only after the revelations of Thomas Buscetta Giovanni Falcone - but it was my veins and pulses tremble under the name The Black Hand.
that it was the symbol with which the mafia "signed" extortion, threats and their crimes. And with that mark entirely territories, districts, parts of the city, indicating that that road, or even just a dirty alley, or a clearing full of mud and waste, were "under control" or "under protection".
is celebrated, but there is nothing to celebrate for the death of Joe Petrosino. Rather, by bringing to light "for future reference and as a warning is still current.
And that's why judges, lawyers, professors, students, and many honest Palermo, will meet up there on the site of the attack, the gate of the Piazza Marina, where the man was killed like a dog, walking thoughtfully, just like a dog on a warm evening of that Friday, March 12, 1909, at a quarter to nine, while the long dusk falls twilight of a bitter spring, when the breath comes from the nearby Cala sea full of salt, the rosemary, the smell of fish and all the Mediterranean herbs, to caress the air and the thick roots of ficus trees verdiblù times of the villa .
As always occur even later, for all the crimes of the Mafia to be - other police officers and judges, politicians and journalists, and outstanding crimes, hundreds of them - that evening, on that stretch of streets and alleys of Old Navy, just before the bright lights of the Foro Italico, in the bend of the sea that seems to be one of the houses, which were then moored fishing boats and outboard motor boats, and now the pleasure of a sudden everything went Black silence, after the hail of gunfire - three in succession to the body, one, the coup de grace, at the top - so sudden how long, and strategically orchestrated.
And suddenly it was as if the city had turned off in the darkness. In a thick darkness and silence as impenetrable as those found in front of the police authorities not only Italian but also the American investigators, sent on purpose by the Government of the United States. What else
you can not kill it the moment's most famous cop, an Italian-American started from remote Padula, another forgotten deep South in the province of Salerno, and child arrived in New York at the end of the nineteenth century, with all his family of migrant deaths of hunger, passed by the gauntlet and disinfestatoi public washrooms and Ellis Island. A kind of Lampedusa period.
Joe Petrosino was called. He was the youngest son of a tailor named Prospero who exhausted by poverty and hunger had taken over his creatures, his wife and a battered suitcase, empty of real and full of hope, and after a trip on a third-class " steam "departed from Naples, had landed in the military hospital of immigrants awaiting entry visa. And finally
had been initiated in one of those dilapidated buildings, the five-cent houses: houses for five cents, made available by the municipality in Mulberry Street to accommodate the unfortunate.
Little Joseph, who only big policeman dead and become the legendary Joe Petrosino, go to the shoe and the newsboy, but is committed, wants to study, go to school in the U.S., takes home every night for some hard cash help improve the conditions of the family fails, once adult, to obtain U.S. citizenship and get a job in the garbage, then a city police department.
But the environment of immigrants and neighborhoods Italian-Americans are crossed and exposed to harassment of the crime of which can not fail to notice Petrosino, and live in the middle, talking the same language, by understanding the slang, the jokes, gestures, winks.
see, understand, perhaps relates. It is a fact that was drafted in the 23rd district and is thus, immediately, on the other side of the fence.
the side of those who must deal with the gang, with the phenomenon of gangsterism, from the penny, which extortionists in the district, that of the most vicious organized gangs, who shoot and kill the streets, on the premises, they blow up cars and shops, stalls and bars. The logic is that those who do not pay with money paid with blood.
not very different from a century later, beyond and on this side of the Atlantic. And then there
quell'andirivieni of new immigrants "with the hat", new "families" in which cases does not reach the poverty of the countries of origin, but trafficking of all kinds, "picciotti" who control the streets of the smuggling The alcohol market (we are in full Prohibition) and opium, who organize prostitution and gambling, that lord it in Little Italy, in Brooklyn, and then in the hierarchical sequence, in the scale of wealth, until in Long Island, Queens, New Jersey, Pennsilvanya, Connecticut, where the Gathering "business" or the wars and alliances between the Sicilian families whose names are the same as always: Madonia, Cascio Ferro, and then Gambino, Bonanno, Genovese, Lucchese, to the famous Lucky Luciano and Frank Coppola's "three fingers". They will come after
also Inzerillo, the Badalamenti, the goodness, the Cali, but we are fifty years later, and we are now.
beginning of the twentieth century, what would become the legend of Joe Petrosino was only an agent with an extraordinary sleuthing and experienced staff in direct contact with the Italian-American underworld. An "experience" that enabled him to understand the dynamics, relationships, links between organized gangs who held New York in check and the families of origin who worked in Sicily.
E ' For this reason, "venerated in his homeland", admired by President Theodore Roosevelt for the brilliant operations against gangsterism that produced 500 arrests and deportations in 2500, awarded the Medal of Valor and the title of lieutenant of the police investigation of the city of New York, Atlantic on a cold morning of 9 February 1909, embarked "incognito" for a survey on overseas strange connections between the Mafia and politics (look a bit '!), stocky little man, just one meter and sixty but with powerful shoulders and muscles of steel, driven by a dull resentment against Italian criminals who infested his "American Dream", dressed in dark suit, white shirt, stiff-brimmed hat, after a trip marred statements by the careless ones of his head that had exposed the "secret mission" had landed at Palermo and had started in hunting. But
hunting stops almost immediately, because inexplicably, after having told Mr. Bishop, the American consul in Palermo, of its intention to extend the investigation not only the mafia but also notable candidates in the forthcoming elections and political elements of collusion and entrepreneurship in the face of the inspection scheduled at the Court of Palermo, is the empty files and folders' criminal suspects deliberately deleted, abraded, if not entirely disappeared.
had gone better in Caltanissetta where Petrosino was able to find valuable information and documents intact affected by the mafia, getting feedback and confirmed the suspicions of strange corridors of power in the protection against known mobsters.
for this round alone and pensive, on the evening of March 12, up from the Cala to Piazza Marina, where his accommodation at the Hotel de France, where he had an appointment with an informant. But there is no more arrived.
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