Body Opponent Bag Under 100

The stable



closing the barn after the escape of the horse? Honest 'intellectual one of the few modern statesmen that Italy has ever had? For posterity will judge. In any case, it seems a remarkable action and reflection.


"Reformists, the courage to speak out against the"
Romano Prodi
from The Messenger of 14/08/2009
.
The debate on the crisis of reform in Europe has taken bench for a few weeks after the European elections. Then it disappeared into thin air without producing any apparent result. Away from the election controversy and favorites from the quiet summer should return to this subject. What
reformist parties are in deep crisis, it is undeniable: the center-left has been defeated in most European countries during their economic crisis that has reviewed many of the proposals that were typical of these parties. To explain this paradox should take a few steps back and go back to the time when, after a long period in which world politics was dominated by the combination of Reagan-Thatcher, the situation was reversed with the victory of Blair who seemed able to change the destinies of Europe with New Labour, the third way that would renew and reform the European political scheme in partnership with the world news that Clinton suggested the United States.
With a bit of exaggeration, but also for enhancing the Italian role in this process had gone as far to talk about "olive world." The cause of the defeat of this great season is to be found in the fact that while in theory the new labor el'ulivo world were a source of novelty in the practice of the government of Tony Blair and the governments that it had merely inspired to imitate the previous Conservative policies in pursuit of the content and satisfied a new language. On the absolute domination of the market, the deterioration in income distribution, European policies, the big problem of peace and war, on citizens' rights and fiscal decisions often did not differ from previous ones. The message voters were most of the time, mostly to show that the mode of governance would have been better. Meanwhile, the change of the company continued along the lines above: a growing disparity in income distribution, an absolute and unchallenged domination of the market, a widespread contempt for the role of the state and the use of fiscal policies, an ever more limited interventions Public of a social nature.
Twenty years ago one of my simple observation that the difference in pay between one and forty of the director and the workers of the same company was excessive, had caused no end of scandals and discussions. Today no one is surprised that this difference is often between one and four hundred. During the most acute moment of this crisis we have witnessed a brief period of outrage into the remuneration paid to some executives, but then everything has been forgotten.
As if we lived in a society immutable, as if the existing reality and beliefs of the public were not so strong as to be reformed. The reform that has lost faith in himself and prefers chase of the other platforms and programs, thinking that, to reverse the electoral fortunes, is sufficient to criticize the errors and behaviors of leaders. To change the political balance this is not enough, because the speed with which the "extremists" of the market have taken over the language of the reformers is really worthy of a Nobel Prize.
To win the reformers must develop new ideas and new projects on all topics listed above. Strongly reaffirmed the role of the state as regulator of a market finally clean. Exploring ways and means by which citizens have the same outlook towards life. Renewing the operation of the school system, scientific research and healthcare. Thinking back to the general process of overcoming the new political and economic nationalism with a strong adherence to the aims of European cohesion and international solidarity. Not being afraid to report the many aspects with regard to which capitalism has profoundly reform. Not content to merely show one day and the day after fierce face a smiling face to immigrants, but preparing an organized policy of legality and acceptance.
I realize that this means having the courage to disappoint many and having the strength to break down and reassemble your elettorato.Mi realize that no politician deals with this light-hearted action of decomposition and recomposition, but I also realize that the economic crisis is changing perceptions and attitudes. It makes it more acceptable proposals innovative and courageous that the center-left must process to be deemed capable of governing our society. A difficult task, all uphill and, as a first step, even against the current. However, those who are not able to swim against the current will never be able to track down a river.

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Prodi Berlusconi left unable to understand


Vendola confirms an intelligent person who has something to say. His analysis and 'fully supported though I still do not understand where I want to end up with politically "Left and Freedom'." On this I think has the ideas' clear Ginsborg (below).


Vendola: Left unable to understand Berlusconi

Published on July 28, 2009 The Reform

"We handled by upstart, and it has captured the imagination. It 's over the age of the collective dreams and nightmares, now dominated by the private and he interprets it in a sexist and pathetic. While the left was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism. " Here's an interview published by Nichi Vendola, the reformer from Tuesday, August 28.
is a battle they have in common only in appearance: Nichi Vendola rejects any "brotherhood" with the opposition to the missions of the League Foreign military. And in this long interview with the Reformation, the governor of Puglia provides a broader interpretation of the social phenomenon of Bossi's party. It shares many passages of the interview with Toni Negri in this newspaper. Including those on the left and on the death of his guilty Berlusconi's hegemony understatement.

Governor agrees with the League's request to withdraw Italian troops from Afghanistan, Libya and the Balkans?
In a multipolar world, the League again carves out a space for the exercise of its identity. But it is the reversal of a regressive process of universalization of democracy that inspired the recent conflicts the "endless war". It is a return to the principle of non-interference which I do not feel bound in brotherhood. Certainly it made a detailed budget of the military adventures that had been established to exorcise the specter of Islamic fundamentalism should be reactivated and the aspiration for peace and disarmament. But I do not like locking in tribal logic underlying this type of opposition to military missions abroad.

In an interview published Sunday in this newspaper, Toni Negri makes an interesting parallel between the old, all-powerful Christian Democrats and the League in Veneto. It interprets the Northern League as a force "inter-class, deeply rooted on the ground" that cemented the consensus through demagoguery. But not in the interests of workers.
I really liked that interview. I think this: if the left does not illuminate the cracks of society, if it does not offer convincing interpretation of the collective identity of landslides, won the first offering a haven compared to these crises. The League has done, has been adapted as a girdle to Italy's lower belly, has proposed a remedy to the pulping of society and the death of the community. But it is a remedy that decreed the end of politics as the search for general solutions: it is the triumph of localism.

Why the Left failed to detect these changes and provide a compelling read? Negri says that the left is dead, that the right no longer adversaries.
The left seems to have exiled within his own melancholy. Who said those below, the social scale, is inherently a rebel? Toni Negri is absolutely right to remind us that what makes him rebel is conscience, not a cultural fact. The company has declined overall, once the political confrontations took place on or essays on Pasolini's provocations. Now we are the predominance of trash television, which substitute the chair at school. And we also have the nerve to blame the workers.

But you're not part of those who should contribute to form this collective critical consciousness?
Again I agree with Negri. When, 15 years ago, was born on Berlusconi phenomenon, we have reacted to the left as you do with an aesthetic phenomenon. We have treated as a weak point compared to the political etiquette, as a parvenu. And we have not realized it was a synthesis and a multiplier of the transformation processes of society. From today's perspective it is clear that one of Berlusconi is the autobiography of a nation. He reassembled the fragmentation of society around the passivity of the masses. He has transformed the political discourse in advertising. The problem now is not Berlusconi, but Berlusconi. What has penetrated deeply into the place where you build hegemony: the imagination. And now, Berlusconi may respond with impunity from a precarious that sets its drama that has to marry a rich man.

A superficial answer and offensive, aimed above all a woman, which concerns a collective tragedy.
Yes, but you see, it is also true that our age is over, the collective dreams and nightmares. Now prevails private dream and nightmare. And he has understood and interpreted in that way its a bit sexist and 'pathetic. The Berlusconi has now entered into the veins of Italian society. But in those veins also injected two dangerous poisons. The first is an adventurous vision of the economic crisis. Tremonti deal with the recession exorcism formulas are dangerous. That cover the essentials: a massive redistribution of resources in the North, to the detriment of those devoted to the South then, I see a crack between Berlusconi and the soul of the Catholic country. And there's no lift that can hide it. And it has a critical potential scary. Upside risk to see 50-year history. In that threatens to bring the obsessive display of Berlusconi's sexism, his fixity autistic, his show of manhood, always in need of stages.

But do not think that missing even a single reading from the left of the recession, widely considered the first serious crisis of the model neoliberal which has prevailed in the West from '79?
Of course, this was to be the center of the contention of the Democratic Party congress in October. Here's an example: the Pope in the encyclical Caritas in Veritate, even with a thousand precautions and steps with many methodologies, its interpretation of the crisis. And as he spoke of the precariousness of a crack that can undermine people's lives. The left, which was made to eat the soul out of neoliberalism, has played its difference from the right on the lexical distinction. A mistake that is paying dearly.

How Long Does It Take For Lice To Show Up

To the left a double game


With a bit 'late, reports this article in a shiny shiny militant (I would say, though I know he would not like the term). I do not think the fact that recent events will have affected the current '. I seem to share fully the love of authority, especially with regard to the limits "humans" and the political left that he has tried to unite. For me, I could actually claim to have tried it even before him, despite the difference in registry with the "Convention of the alternative" in 1994 (if I'm not mistaken). But it is not 'a great satisfaction.



To the left, a double entry
Released: 27.06.2009

Author: Ginsborg, Paul

Two choices: to make a real party again, with the necessary patience, or join the Democratic Party. The poster, June 26, 2009



With many others I have tried three times to put together the left: the first time in 2003-4 with Gian Paolo Patta and "Work and Society" of the CGIL, the second in 2004 - 5 with Alberto Asor and the Chamber of Consultation of the left, whose story was summed up neatly by Asor same on these pages (June 19), the third time on the Left Rainbow of 2007-2008. On the latter occasion I will never forget the discrepancy between the promises of the leaders to open a true innovator and constituent phase and the bleak reality of their armor next all the choices - the nominations for the elections in the first place - in a desperate search for self-preservation.

Now I do not try anymore. It seems easier to convince children to eat spinach to persuade the Italian left to be together. Faced with a repetition of the conduct, which always favors the elements of distinction at the expense of unity, we must not turn a blind eye or keep trying. Rather we must try to explain why this has happened, and then draw conclusions.

Why the Italian left, instead of maintaining and renewing the deep cultural left the country, so far only managed to squander? A first explanation is in failure to analyze the relationship between parties and civil society. Norberto Bobbio wrote in 1983 that "in the democratic political game ... the main actors are given, and are the parties. " But the historical reality of the past 30 years is a gradual atrophy of the parties and constant invention of forms of political organization promoted by the citizens themselves - workshops, committees, social forums, and local environmental advocacy groups. The attitude of Left parties to these forms of self-organization has always been instrumental and suspicious: they are a danger, we can penetrate them, incorporate them, guide them, destroy them? Or even make them in instances metaphysical ('movement of movements') that mysteriously dictate the most convenient line to the particular party or group.

Behind these attitudes lies the usual form of policy, the act from above through a democratic centralism repainted. At the level of identity, the individual-militant remains strongly linked to his political formation that may also offer employment opportunities and career paths. The personal behavior toward those who are not part of the training (or current) are often aggressive, even incompetent. The enemy is near. The left has been unable to develop a code of conduct in the public press that mutual respect, cooperation, equality instead of competition, the male dominance, contempt.

This set of factors - instrumental attitude towards civil society, competition among small political groups bearers of individual careers, the absence of a culture of peace at home and practiced not only preached abroad - are some of the more telling explain the historical failure of the left.

And the consequences? I focus here only on the organization or on the form of participation. There are two possibilities, both for big break from a past bankruptcy. The first would really start anew. That is, to invite each and everyone to go to a constituent assembly based on the principle of one person one vote, and prepare assembly through a lengthy planning, writing decalogue of intent and planning of individual behavior in the public sphere. Please understand that a new political entity, radically different from the past, he needs time to grow and take root before taking off. During the process must respect the choices of others who prefer a different road, but constantly seek points of contact and sharing. Work among the working classes affected by the crisis but also among the middle classes are often forgotten by the Left, and supports the social and cultural theory with a constant attention to the development.

The second possible choice is diametrically opposite to the first and is based on the admission that the current Italian left is simply incapable of inventing something new. Better then to embrace the Democratic Party and try to make a contribution of left in a party that has many flaws, but souls and is the hub of any opposition to the Berlusconi regime. In this case you try to defend democracy and to renew both inside and outside the party, introducing themes and cultures that, while apparently too radical at the beginning, over time can become a common culture. In this case it is to act without illusions, knowing the need for compromise, recognizing the danger to come to town more easily changed by the party to change it. Many will cry out (as always) to "treason." Not necessarily see it that way.

Ideally, they are attracted to the first option, by birth, and because we are in a democratic emergency, by the second. I only ask one thing: not to dance the old minuet for the fourth time.