With a bit 'late, reports this article in a shiny shiny militant (I would say, though I know he would not like the term). I do not think the fact that recent events will have affected the current '. I seem to share fully the love of authority, especially with regard to the limits "humans" and the political left that he has tried to unite. For me, I could actually claim to have tried it even before him, despite the difference in registry with the "Convention of the alternative" in 1994 (if I'm not mistaken). But it is not 'a great satisfaction.
To the left, a double entry
Released: 27.06.2009
Author: Ginsborg, Paul
Two choices: to make a real party again, with the necessary patience, or join the Democratic Party. The poster, June 26, 2009
With many others I have tried three times to put together the left: the first time in 2003-4 with Gian Paolo Patta and "Work and Society" of the CGIL, the second in 2004 - 5 with Alberto Asor and the Chamber of Consultation of the left, whose story was summed up neatly by Asor same on these pages (June 19), the third time on the Left Rainbow of 2007-2008. On the latter occasion I will never forget the discrepancy between the promises of the leaders to open a true innovator and constituent phase and the bleak reality of their armor next all the choices - the nominations for the elections in the first place - in a desperate search for self-preservation.
Now I do not try anymore. It seems easier to convince children to eat spinach to persuade the Italian left to be together. Faced with a repetition of the conduct, which always favors the elements of distinction at the expense of unity, we must not turn a blind eye or keep trying. Rather we must try to explain why this has happened, and then draw conclusions.
Why the Italian left, instead of maintaining and renewing the deep cultural left the country, so far only managed to squander? A first explanation is in failure to analyze the relationship between parties and civil society. Norberto Bobbio wrote in 1983 that "in the democratic political game ... the main actors are given, and are the parties. " But the historical reality of the past 30 years is a gradual atrophy of the parties and constant invention of forms of political organization promoted by the citizens themselves - workshops, committees, social forums, and local environmental advocacy groups. The attitude of Left parties to these forms of self-organization has always been instrumental and suspicious: they are a danger, we can penetrate them, incorporate them, guide them, destroy them? Or even make them in instances metaphysical ('movement of movements') that mysteriously dictate the most convenient line to the particular party or group.
Behind these attitudes lies the usual form of policy, the act from above through a democratic centralism repainted. At the level of identity, the individual-militant remains strongly linked to his political formation that may also offer employment opportunities and career paths. The personal behavior toward those who are not part of the training (or current) are often aggressive, even incompetent. The enemy is near. The left has been unable to develop a code of conduct in the public press that mutual respect, cooperation, equality instead of competition, the male dominance, contempt.
This set of factors - instrumental attitude towards civil society, competition among small political groups bearers of individual careers, the absence of a culture of peace at home and practiced not only preached abroad - are some of the more telling explain the historical failure of the left.
And the consequences? I focus here only on the organization or on the form of participation. There are two possibilities, both for big break from a past bankruptcy. The first would really start anew. That is, to invite each and everyone to go to a constituent assembly based on the principle of one person one vote, and prepare assembly through a lengthy planning, writing decalogue of intent and planning of individual behavior in the public sphere. Please understand that a new political entity, radically different from the past, he needs time to grow and take root before taking off. During the process must respect the choices of others who prefer a different road, but constantly seek points of contact and sharing. Work among the working classes affected by the crisis but also among the middle classes are often forgotten by the Left, and supports the social and cultural theory with a constant attention to the development.
The second possible choice is diametrically opposite to the first and is based on the admission that the current Italian left is simply incapable of inventing something new. Better then to embrace the Democratic Party and try to make a contribution of left in a party that has many flaws, but souls and is the hub of any opposition to the Berlusconi regime. In this case you try to defend democracy and to renew both inside and outside the party, introducing themes and cultures that, while apparently too radical at the beginning, over time can become a common culture. In this case it is to act without illusions, knowing the need for compromise, recognizing the danger to come to town more easily changed by the party to change it. Many will cry out (as always) to "treason." Not necessarily see it that way.
Ideally, they are attracted to the first option, by birth, and because we are in a democratic emergency, by the second. I only ask one thing: not to dance the old minuet for the fourth time.
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